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in the realm of the possible

  • 1 realm

    relm
    1) (a kingdom.) reino
    2) (an area of activity, interest etc: She's well-known in the realm of sport.) dominio, sector
    tr[relm]
    1 (kingdom) reino
    2 (field) campo, terreno
    realm ['rɛlm] n
    1) kingdom: reino m
    2) sphere: esfera f, campo m
    n.
    dominio s.m.
    reino s.m.
    relm
    a) ( kingdom) (frml) reino m
    b) ( sphere) (often pl)

    the realm of science/politics — el mundo de la ciencia/política

    that's outside o beyond the realms of possibility — es totalmente imposible

    [relm]
    N (lit) (Jur) reino m ; (fig) (=field) esfera f, campo m
    * * *
    [relm]
    a) ( kingdom) (frml) reino m
    b) ( sphere) (often pl)

    the realm of science/politics — el mundo de la ciencia/política

    that's outside o beyond the realms of possibility — es totalmente imposible

    English-spanish dictionary > realm

  • 2 realm

    realm [relm]
    (a) (field, domain) domaine m;
    the realm of the supernatural le domaine du surnaturel;
    it is within the realms of possibility c'est du domaine du possible;
    health is no longer exclusively the realm of doctors la santé n'est plus l'apanage du médecin
    (b) literary (kingdom) royaume m;
    the realms of heaven le royaume des cieux;
    the realm of the dead l'empire m des morts

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > realm

  • 3 Unconscious

       Prior to Descartes and his sharp definition of the dualism there was no cause to contemplate the possible existence of unconscious mentality as part of a separate realm of mind. Many religious and speculative thinkers had taken for granted factors lying outside but influencing immediate awareness.... Until an attempt had been made (with apparent success) to choose awareness as the defining characteristic of mind, there was no occasion to invent the idea of unconscious mind.... It is only after Descartes that we find, first the idea and then the term "unconscious mind" entering European thought. (Whyte, 1962, p. 25)
       If there are two realms, physical and mental, awareness cannot be taken as the criterion of mentality [because] the springs of human nature lie in the unconscious... as the realm which links the moments of human awareness with the background of organic processes within which they emerge. (Whyte, 1962, p. 63)
       he unconscious was no more invented by Freud than evolution was invented by Darwin, and has an equally impressive pedigree, reaching back to antiquity.... At the dawn of Christian Europe the dominant influence were the Neoplatonists; foremost among them Plotinus, who took it for granted that "feelings can be present without awareness of them," that "the absence of a conscious perception is no proof of the absence of mental activity," and who talked confidently of a "mirror" in the mind which, when correctly aimed, reflects the processes going on inside it, when aimed in another direction, fails to do so-but the process goes on all the same. Augustine marvelled at man's immense store of unconscious memories-"a spreading, limitless room within me-who can reach its limitless depth?"
       The knowledge of unconscious mentation had always been there, as can be shown by quotations from theologians like St. Thomas Aquinas, mystics like Jacob Boehme, physicians like Paracelsus, astronomers like Kepler, writers and poets as far apart as Dante, Cervantes, Shakespeare, and Montaigne. This in itself is in no way remarkable; what is remarkable is that this knowledge was lost during the scientific revolution, more particularly under the impact of its most influential philosopher, Rene Descartes. (Koestler, 1964, p. 148)
       4) The Constructive Nature of Automatic Cognitive Functioning Argues for the Existence of Unconscious Activity
       The constructive nature of the automatic functioning argues the existence of an activity analogous to consciousness though hidden from observation, and we have therefore termed it unconscious. The negative prefix suggests an opposition, but it is no more than verbal, not any sort of hostility or incompatibility being implied by it, but simply the absence of consciousness. Yet a real opposition between the conscious and the unconscious activity does subsist in the limitations which the former tends to impose on the latter. (Ghiselin, 1985, p. 7)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Unconscious

  • 4 Philosophy

       And what I believe to be more important here is that I find in myself an infinity of ideas of certain things which cannot be assumed to be pure nothingness, even though they may have perhaps no existence outside of my thought. These things are not figments of my imagination, even though it is within my power to think of them or not to think of them; on the contrary, they have their own true and immutable natures. Thus, for example, when I imagine a triangle, even though there may perhaps be no such figure anywhere in the world outside of my thought, nor ever have been, nevertheless the figure cannot help having a certain determinate nature... or essence, which is immutable and eternal, which I have not invented and which does not in any way depend upon my mind. (Descartes, 1951, p. 61)
       Let us console ourselves for not knowing the possible connections between a spider and the rings of Saturn, and continue to examine what is within our reach. (Voltaire, 1961, p. 144)
       As modern physics started with the Newtonian revolution, so modern philosophy starts with what one might call the Cartesian Catastrophe. The catastrophe consisted in the splitting up of the world into the realms of matter and mind, and the identification of "mind" with conscious thinking. The result of this identification was the shallow rationalism of l'esprit Cartesien, and an impoverishment of psychology which it took three centuries to remedy even in part. (Koestler, 1964, p. 148)
       It has been made of late a reproach against natural philosophy that it has struck out on a path of its own, and has separated itself more and more widely from the other sciences which are united by common philological and historical studies. The opposition has, in fact, been long apparent, and seems to me to have grown up mainly under the influence of the Hegelian philosophy, or, at any rate, to have been brought out into more distinct relief by that philosophy.... The sole object of Kant's "Critical Philosophy" was to test the sources and the authority of our knowledge, and to fix a definite scope and standard for the researches of philosophy, as compared with other sciences.... [But Hegel's] "Philosophy of Identity" was bolder. It started with the hypothesis that not only spiritual phenomena, but even the actual world-nature, that is, and man-were the result of an act of thought on the part of a creative mind, similar, it was supposed, in kind to the human mind.... The philosophers accused the scientific men of narrowness; the scientific men retorted that the philosophers were crazy. And so it came about that men of science began to lay some stress on the banishment of all philosophic influences from their work; while some of them, including men of the greatest acuteness, went so far as to condemn philosophy altogether, not merely as useless, but as mischievous dreaming. Thus, it must be confessed, not only were the illegitimate pretensions of the Hegelian system to subordinate to itself all other studies rejected, but no regard was paid to the rightful claims of philosophy, that is, the criticism of the sources of cognition, and the definition of the functions of the intellect. (Helmholz, quoted in Dampier, 1966, pp. 291-292)
       Philosophy remains true to its classical tradition by renouncing it. (Habermas, 1972, p. 317)
       I have not attempted... to put forward any grand view of the nature of philosophy; nor do I have any such grand view to put forth if I would. It will be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the history of "howlers" and progress in philosophy as the debunking of howlers. It will also be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the enterprise of putting forward a priori truths about the world.... I see philosophy as a field which has certain central questions, for example, the relation between thought and reality.... It seems obvious that in dealing with these questions philosophers have formulated rival research programs, that they have put forward general hypotheses, and that philosophers within each major research program have modified their hypotheses by trial and error, even if they sometimes refuse to admit that that is what they are doing. To that extent philosophy is a "science." To argue about whether philosophy is a science in any more serious sense seems to me to be hardly a useful occupation.... It does not seem to me important to decide whether science is philosophy or philosophy is science as long as one has a conception of both that makes both essential to a responsible view of the world and of man's place in it. (Putnam, 1975, p. xvii)
       What can philosophy contribute to solving the problem of the relation [of] mind to body? Twenty years ago, many English-speaking philosophers would have answered: "Nothing beyond an analysis of the various mental concepts." If we seek knowledge of things, they thought, it is to science that we must turn. Philosophy can only cast light upon our concepts of those things.
       This retreat from things to concepts was not undertaken lightly. Ever since the seventeenth century, the great intellectual fact of our culture has been the incredible expansion of knowledge both in the natural and in the rational sciences (mathematics, logic).
       The success of science created a crisis in philosophy. What was there for philosophy to do? Hume had already perceived the problem in some degree, and so surely did Kant, but it was not until the twentieth century, with the Vienna Circle and with Wittgenstein, that the difficulty began to weigh heavily. Wittgenstein took the view that philosophy could do no more than strive to undo the intellectual knots it itself had tied, so achieving intellectual release, and even a certain illumination, but no knowledge. A little later, and more optimistically, Ryle saw a positive, if reduced role, for philosophy in mapping the "logical geography" of our concepts: how they stood to each other and how they were to be analyzed....
       Since that time, however, philosophers in the "analytic" tradition have swung back from Wittgensteinian and even Rylean pessimism to a more traditional conception of the proper role and tasks of philosophy. Many analytic philosophers now would accept the view that the central task of philosophy is to give an account, or at least play a part in giving an account, of the most general nature of things and of man. (Armstrong, 1990, pp. 37-38)
       8) Philosophy's Evolving Engagement with Artificial Intelligence and Cognitive Science
       In the beginning, the nature of philosophy's engagement with artificial intelligence and cognitive science was clear enough. The new sciences of the mind were to provide the long-awaited vindication of the most potent dreams of naturalism and materialism. Mind would at last be located firmly within the natural order. We would see in detail how the most perplexing features of the mental realm could be supported by the operations of solely physical laws upon solely physical stuff. Mental causation (the power of, e.g., a belief to cause an action) would emerge as just another species of physical causation. Reasoning would be understood as a kind of automated theorem proving. And the key to both was to be the depiction of the brain as the implementation of multiple higher level programs whose task was to manipulate and transform symbols or representations: inner items with one foot in the physical (they were realized as brain states) and one in the mental (they were bearers of contents, and their physical gymnastics were cleverly designed to respect semantic relationships such as truth preservation). (A. Clark, 1996, p. 1)
       Socrates of Athens famously declared that "the unexamined life is not worth living," and his motto aptly explains the impulse to philosophize. Taking nothing for granted, philosophy probes and questions the fundamental presuppositions of every area of human inquiry.... [P]art of the job of the philosopher is to keep at a certain critical distance from current doctrines, whether in the sciences or the arts, and to examine instead how the various elements in our world-view clash, or fit together. Some philosophers have tried to incorporate the results of these inquiries into a grand synoptic view of the nature of reality and our human relationship to it. Others have mistrusted system-building, and seen their primary role as one of clarifications, or the removal of obstacles along the road to truth. But all have shared the Socratic vision of using the human intellect to challenge comfortable preconceptions, insisting that every aspect of human theory and practice be subjected to continuing critical scrutiny....
       Philosophy is, of course, part of a continuing tradition, and there is much to be gained from seeing how that tradition originated and developed. But the principal object of studying the materials in this book is not to pay homage to past genius, but to enrich one's understanding of central problems that are as pressing today as they have always been-problems about knowledge, truth and reality, the nature of the mind, the basis of right action, and the best way to live. These questions help to mark out the territory of philosophy as an academic discipline, but in a wider sense they define the human predicament itself; they will surely continue to be with us for as long as humanity endures. (Cottingham, 1996, pp. xxi-xxii)
       In his study of ancient Greek culture, The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche drew what would become a famous distinction, between the Dionysian spirit, the untamed spirit of art and creativity, and the Apollonian, that of reason and self-control. The story of Greek civilization, and all civilizations, Nietzsche implied, was the gradual victory of Apollonian man, with his desire for control over nature and himself, over Dionysian man, who survives only in myth, poetry, music, and drama. Socrates and Plato had attacked the illusions of art as unreal, and had overturned the delicate cultural balance by valuing only man's critical, rational, and controlling consciousness while denigrating his vital life instincts as irrational and base. The result of this division is "Alexandrian man," the civilized and accomplished Greek citizen of the later ancient world, who is "equipped with the greatest forces of knowledge" but in whom the wellsprings of creativity have dried up. (Herman, 1997, pp. 95-96)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Philosophy

  • 5 möglich

    Adj.
    1. possible ( jemandem for s.o.); (durchführbar) auch practicable, feasible; alle möglichen... all sorts of...; alles Mögliche all sorts of things; alles Mögliche tun do everything possible; sein Möglichstes tun do one’s best ( oder utmost), do everything in one’s power; im Bereich des Möglichen within the realm ( oder bounds) of possibility; es ( jemandem) möglich machen zu (+ Inf.) make it possible (for s.o.) to (+ Inf.) siehe auch ermöglichen; nicht möglich! I don’t believe it!; umg. no kidding!; das ist ( gut) möglich that’s (quite) possible; schon möglich umg. could be; das ist eher möglich that’s more likely; es ist möglich, dass er kommt he may come; es ist mir nicht möglich zu (+ Inf.) I can’t...; stärker: I can’t possibly..., there’s no way I can...; es war mir nicht möglich I wasn’t able to do it, I didn’t manage (to do) it; wenn es mir ( irgendwie) möglich ist if I can (possibly) manage it; wenn irgend möglich if at all possible; wäre es möglich, dass du mir hilfst? auch iro. do you think you could just possibly help me?; man sollte es nicht für möglich halten would you believe it; so bald etc. wie möglich as soon etc. as possible; möglichst
    2. (eventuell) potential; (denkbar) conceivable; alle möglichen Einwände every conceivable objection; alles Mögliche einkalkulieren take into account every possible eventuality
    * * *
    contingent; potential; possible
    * * *
    mög|lich ['møːklɪç]
    1. adj

    alles Mögliche tunto do everything possible, to do everything one can

    er tat sein Möglichsteshe did his utmost, he did all he could

    aus allen mö́glichen Richtungen — from all directions

    er hat allen mö́glichen Blödsinn gemacht — he did all sorts of stupid things

    so viel/bald wie mö́glich — as much/soon as possible

    das ist schon or wohl or durchaus mö́glich — that's quite possible

    wenn es irgend mö́glich ist —

    können Sie es mö́glich machen, dass Sie schon morgen kommen or schon morgen zu kommen? — could you manage to come tomorrow?

    es war mir nicht mö́glich mitzukommen — I couldn't manage to come, it wasn't possible for me to come

    das ist doch nicht mö́glich! — that's impossible

    nicht mö́glich! — never!, impossible!

    das wäre woanders nicht mö́glich — that couldn't happen anywhere else

    ist denn so was mö́glich? — would you credit it? (inf)

    2) (attr = eventuell) Kunden, Interessenten, Nachfolger potential, possible

    alle mö́glichen Fälle — every eventuality

    2. adv
    See:
    = möglichst
    * * *
    1) (in a way or manner that is possible: I'll come as fast as I possibly can; I can't possibly eat any more; Could you possibly lend me your pen?) possibly
    2) (able to happen or be done: It's possible that the train will be delayed; We'll come as soon as possible; I'll do everything possible; She did the only possible thing in the circumstances.) possible
    3) (satisfactory; acceptable: I've thought of a possible solution to the problem.) possible
    * * *
    mög·lich
    [ˈmø:klɪç]
    1. attr (denkbar) possible
    alles M\mögliche everything possible
    er ließ sich alles M\mögliche einfallen, um... he tried everything imaginable to...
    das einzig M\mögliche the only option [open to us, etc.] [or thing we, etc. can do]
    etw für \möglich halten to believe in sth
    es für \möglich halten, dass... to think it possible that...
    sein M\möglichstes tun to do everything in one's power [or utmost]
    alle \möglichen all kinds [or sorts] of
    schon \möglich (fam) maybe, possibly
    das ist schon \möglich that may well be
    2. attr (potenziell) potential
    3. pred (durchführbar) possible
    ist denn so was \möglich? (fam) is this really possible?
    es ist \möglich, dass... it is possible that...
    jdm ist es \möglich, etw zu tun sb is able to [or can] [or it is possible for sb to] do sth
    komm doch mit, wenn es dir \möglich ist come with us, if you're able to
    [jdm] etw \möglich machen to make sth possible [for sb]
    es \möglich machen, etw zu tun to make it possible to do sth
    falls [o wenn] [irgend] \möglich if [at all] possible
    [das ist doch] nicht \möglich! [that's] impossible!, I don't believe it!
    so... wie \möglich as... as possible
    komme so schnell wie \möglich come as quickly as possible
    * * *
    Adjektiv possible

    es war ihm nicht möglich [zu kommen] — he was unable [to come]; it was not possible for him [to come]

    sobald/so gut es mir möglich ist — as soon/as well as I can; das od

    alles Mögliche tun, sein Möglichstes tun — do everything possible; do one's utmost

    dort kann man alles Mögliche kaufen(ugs.) you can get all sorts of things there

    alle möglichen Leute(ugs.) all sorts of people

    das ist gut/leicht/durchaus möglich — that is very/wholly/entirely possible

    [das ist doch] nicht möglich! — impossible!; I don't believe it!

    * * *
    1. possible (
    jemandem for sb); (durchführbar) auch practicable, feasible;
    alle möglichen … all sorts of …;
    alles Mögliche all sorts of things;
    alles Mögliche tun do everything possible;
    sein Möglichstes tun do one’s best ( oder utmost), do everything in one’s power;
    im Bereich des Möglichen within the realm ( oder bounds) of possibility;
    es (jemandem) möglich machen zu (+inf) make it possible (for sb) to (+inf) auch ermöglichen;
    nicht möglich! I don’t believe it!; umg no kidding!;
    das ist (gut) möglich that’s (quite) possible;
    schon möglich umg could be;
    das ist eher möglich that’s more likely;
    es ist möglich, dass er kommt he may come;
    es ist mir nicht möglich zu (+inf) I can’t …; stärker: I can’t possibly …, there’s no way I can …;
    es war mir nicht möglich I wasn’t able to do it, I didn’t manage (to do) it;
    wenn es mir (irgendwie) möglich ist if I can (possibly) manage it;
    wenn irgend möglich if at all possible;
    wäre es möglich, dass du mir hilfst? auch iron do you think you could just possibly help me?;
    so bald etc
    wie möglich as soon etc as possible; möglichst
    2. (eventuell) potential; (denkbar) conceivable;
    alle möglichen Einwände every conceivable objection;
    alles Mögliche einkalkulieren take into account every possible eventuality
    * * *
    Adjektiv possible

    es war ihm nicht möglich [zu kommen] — he was unable [to come]; it was not possible for him [to come]

    sobald/so gut es mir möglich ist — as soon/as well as I can; das od

    alles Mögliche tun, sein Möglichstes tun — do everything possible; do one's utmost

    dort kann man alles Mögliche kaufen(ugs.) you can get all sorts of things there

    alle möglichen Leute(ugs.) all sorts of people

    das ist gut/leicht/durchaus möglich — that is very/wholly/entirely possible

    [das ist doch] nicht möglich! — impossible!; I don't believe it!

    * * *
    adj.
    contingent adj.
    eventual adj.
    feasible adj.
    possible adj.
    potential adj. adv.
    possibly adv.

    Deutsch-Englisch Wörterbuch > möglich

  • 6 world

    wə:ld
    1) (the planet Earth: every country of the world.) mundo
    2) (the people who live on the planet Earth: The whole world is waiting for a cure for cancer.) mundo
    3) (any planet etc: people from other worlds.) mundo
    4) (a state of existence: Many people believe that after death the soul enters the next world; Do concentrate! You seem to be living in another world.) mundo
    5) (an area of life or activity: the insect world; the world of the international businessman.) mundo
    6) (a great deal: The holiday did him a/the world of good.) inmenso
    7) (the lives and ways of ordinary people: He's been a monk for so long that he knows nothing of the (outside) world.) mundo
    - worldliness
    - worldwide
    - World Wide Web
    - the best of both worlds
    - for all the world
    - out of this world
    - what in the world? - what in the world

    world n mundo
    tr[wɜːld]
    1 (earth) mundo
    2 (sphere) mundo
    3 (life) mundo, vida
    4 (people) mundo
    what is the world coming to? ¿a dónde iremos a parar?
    5 (large amount, large number)
    1 (population, peace) mundial; (politics, trade) internacional
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    not to do something for (all) the world no hacer algo por nada del mundo
    a man/woman of the world un hombre/una mujer de mundo
    it's a small world el mundo es un pañuelo
    it's not the end of the world no es el fin del mundo
    out of this world fenomenal, estupendo,-a, increíble, fantástico,-a
    the outside world el mundo exterior
    the world is one's oyster el mundo es suyo, tener el mundo a sus pies
    to be/mean all the world to somebody serlo todo para alguien
    to be dead/lost to the world estar profundamente dormido,-a
    to go up in the world prosperar, mejorar
    to have the best of both worlds tener todas las ventajas
    to live in a world of one's own vivir en su propio mundo
    to see the world ver mundo
    to set the world on fire comerse el mundo
    to think the world of somebody querer mucho a alguien, adorar a alguien
    World Bank Banco Mundial
    world champion campeón,-ona mundial
    World Cup el Mundial, los Mundiales
    world fair exposición nombre femenino internacional
    world music música étnica
    World War I primera guerra mundial
    World War II segunda guerra mundial
    world ['wərld] adj
    : mundial, del mundo
    world championship: campeonato mundial
    : mundo m
    around the world: alrededor del mundo
    a world of possibilities: un mundo de posibilidades
    to think the world of someone: tener a alguien en alta estima
    to be worlds apart: no tener nada que ver (uno con otro)
    adj.
    mundano, -a adj.
    mundial adj.
    mundo, -a adj.
    n.
    mundo s.m.
    orbe s.m.
    siglo s.m.
    tierra s.f.
    wɜːrld, wɜːld
    1) ( earth) mundo m

    to see the world — ver* mundo

    there were celebrations all over the world o the world over — hubo festejos en todo el mundo or en el mundo entero

    world's (AmE) o (BrE) world record time — récord m or marca f mundial

    (it's a) small world! el mundo es un pañuelo, qué pequeño or (AmL) chico es el mundo!

    the world is his/her oyster — tiene el mundo a sus pies

    to be dead o lost to the world — estar* profundamente dormido

    to be out of this world\<\<food/music\>\> ser* increíble or fantástico

    to bring somebody into the worldtraer* a alguien al mundo

    to come into the worldvenir* al mundo

    to have the best of both worlds — tener* todas las ventajas

    money makes the world go around — poderoso caballero es don dinero; (before n) <economy, peace> mundial; <politics, trade> internacional

    2)
    a) ( people generally) mundo m

    what is the world coming to? — ¿adónde vamos a ir a parar?

    to watch the world go by — ver* pasar a la gente

    b) ( society)

    a woman/man of the world — una mujer/un hombre de mundo

    3) (specific period, group) mundo m

    there's a world of difference between... — hay una diferencia enorme entre..., hay un abismo entre...

    we are worlds apart — no tenemos nada que ver, somos como el día y la noche

    to have all the time in the world — tener* todo el tiempo del mundo

    who in the world is going to believe that? — ¿quién diablos or demonios se va a creer eso? (fam)

    5) ( Relig)

    this/the other world — este/el otro mundo

    [wɜːld]
    1. N
    1) (=planet) mundo m

    since the world begandesde que el mundo es mundo

    in the best of all possible worlds — en el mejor de los mundos

    it's not the end of the world! * — ¡no es el fin del mundo!

    the tallest man in the world — el hombre más alto del mundo

    the New World — el Nuevo Mundo

    the Old World — el Viejo Mundo

    she has travelled all over the world — ha viajado por todo el mundo

    it's the same the world over — es igual en todo el mundo, es igual vayas a donde vayas

    in a perfect world this would be possible — en un mundo ideal or perfecto esto sería posible

    you have to start living in the real world — tienes que empezar a afrontar la vida or la realidad

    to go round the world — dar la vuelta al mundo

    on a world scalea escala mundial

    to see the world — ver mundo

    to take the world as it is — aceptar la realidad, aceptar las cosas como son

    the worst of all possible worlds — el peor de todos los mundos posibles

    - have the world at one's feet
    - live in a world of one's own
    - feel on top of the world
    dead 1., 1), money 1., 1), third 4.
    2) (=realm) mundo m

    the animal world — el reino animal

    the Arab world — el mundo árabe

    the business world — el mundo de los negocios

    the English-speaking world — el mundo de habla inglesa

    the plant world — el reino vegetal

    the world of sport — el mundo deportivo, el mundo de los deportes

    the sporting world — el mundo deportivo, el mundo de los deportes

    the Western world — el mundo occidental

    3) (=society) mundo m

    to be alone in the world — estar solo en el mundo, no tener a nadie en el mundo

    - come down in the world
    - go up in the world
    man 1., 1), outside 3., 1), way 1., 2)
    4) (=life) mundo m

    in this world — en esta vida, en este mundo

    to bring a child into the world — traer a un niño al mundo

    to come into the world — venir al mundo

    in the next world — en la otra vida, en el otro mundo

    the other world — el otro mundo

    - have the best of both worlds

    for all the world as if it had never happened — como si nunca hubiera ocurrido

    they're worlds apartson totalmente opuestos or diferentes, no tiene nada que ver el uno con el otro

    they're worlds apart politically — políticamente los separa un abismo, mantienen posiciones políticas totalmente diferentes

    there's a world of difference between... — hay un mundo or abismo entre...

    I'd give the world to know — daría todo el oro del mundo por saberlo

    it did him the world of good — le sentó de maravilla, le hizo la mar de bien *

    nothing in the world would make me do it — no lo haría por nada del mundo

    how in the world did you manage to do it? * — ¿cómo demonios or diablos conseguiste hacerlo?

    what in the world were you thinking of! * — ¡qué demonios or diablos estabas pensando! *

    where in the world has he got to? * — ¿dónde demonios or diablos se ha metido? *

    why in the world did you do that? * — ¿por qué demonios or diablos hiciste eso? *

    she means the world to me — ella significa muchísimo para mí

    not for all the world — por nada del mundo

    he promised me the world — me prometió la luna

    to think the world of sb — tener a algn en gran estima

    2.
    CPD [economy, proportions] mundial; [events, news] internacional; [trade] internacional, mundial; [tour] mundial, alrededor del mundo

    World Bank NBanco m Mundial

    world beater Ncampeón(-ona) m / f mundial

    world champion Ncampeón(-ona) m / f del mundo, campeón(-ona) m / f mundial

    world championship Ncampeonato m mundial, campeonato m del mundo

    the World Cup N — (Ftbl) la Copa Mundial, la Copa del Mundo

    world fair Nferia f universal

    World Heritage Site Nlugar m patrimonio de la humanidad

    world language Nlengua f universal

    world leader N[of country, company] líder m mundial; (=politician) jefe(-a) m / f de estado

    world market Nmercado m mundial

    world market price Nprecio m (del mercado) mundial

    world music Nmúsicas fpl del mundo, world music f

    world order Norden m mundial

    world power N(=country) potencia f mundial

    world premiere Nestreno m mundial

    world record Nrécord m mundial

    world's champion N(US) campeón(-ona) m / f del mundo, campeón(-ona) m / f mundial

    World Series N(US) campeonato m mundial de béisbol

    See:

    World Service N(Brit) servicio internacional de la BBC

    world title Ntítulo m mundial

    the World Trade Organization — la Organización Mundial del Comercio

    world war Nguerra f mundial

    World War One/Two — la Primera/Segunda Guerra Mundial

    * * *
    [wɜːrld, wɜːld]
    1) ( earth) mundo m

    to see the world — ver* mundo

    there were celebrations all over the world o the world over — hubo festejos en todo el mundo or en el mundo entero

    world's (AmE) o (BrE) world record time — récord m or marca f mundial

    (it's a) small world! el mundo es un pañuelo, qué pequeño or (AmL) chico es el mundo!

    the world is his/her oyster — tiene el mundo a sus pies

    to be dead o lost to the world — estar* profundamente dormido

    to be out of this world\<\<food/music\>\> ser* increíble or fantástico

    to bring somebody into the worldtraer* a alguien al mundo

    to come into the worldvenir* al mundo

    to have the best of both worlds — tener* todas las ventajas

    money makes the world go around — poderoso caballero es don dinero; (before n) <economy, peace> mundial; <politics, trade> internacional

    2)
    a) ( people generally) mundo m

    what is the world coming to? — ¿adónde vamos a ir a parar?

    to watch the world go by — ver* pasar a la gente

    b) ( society)

    a woman/man of the world — una mujer/un hombre de mundo

    3) (specific period, group) mundo m

    there's a world of difference between... — hay una diferencia enorme entre..., hay un abismo entre...

    we are worlds apart — no tenemos nada que ver, somos como el día y la noche

    to have all the time in the world — tener* todo el tiempo del mundo

    who in the world is going to believe that? — ¿quién diablos or demonios se va a creer eso? (fam)

    5) ( Relig)

    this/the other world — este/el otro mundo

    English-spanish dictionary > world

  • 7 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 8 monde

    monde [mɔ̃d]
    masculine noun
       a. world
    où va le monde ? whatever is the world coming to?
    envoyer or expédier qn dans l'autre monde to send sb to meet his (or her) maker
    c'est le monde à l'envers ! whatever next!
    le monde est petit ! it's a small world!
    c'est un monde ! (inf) it's just not right!
    musique/cuisine du monde world music/food
    pas le moins du monde ! not at all!
    ce village, c'est le bout du monde that village is in the middle of nowhere
    ce n'est pas le bout du monde ! ( = ce n'est rien) it won't kill you!
       b. ( = gens) est-ce qu'il y a du monde ? ( = quelqu'un) is there anybody there? ; ( = foule) are there many people there?
    il y a du monde ( = des gens) there are some people there ; ( = foule) there's quite a crowd
    il y avait un monde fou ! (inf) the place was packed!
       c. ( = milieu social) set
    le monde ( = la bonne société) society
    * * *
    mɔ̃d
    nom masculin
    1) gén world

    aller or voyager de par le monde, parcourir le monde — to travel the world

    c'est le bout du monde!, c'est au bout du monde! — it's in the back of beyond!

    ce n'est pas le bout du monde!fig it' s not such a big deal!

    elle n'est plus de ce mondeeuph she's no longer with us euph

    quand je ne serai plus de ce mondeeuph when I have departed this world

    je n'étais pas encore au monde — I wasn't yet born; grand

    2) ( milieu) world

    un monde nous sépare — we are worlds apart; nouveau

    3) ( gens) people

    j'ai du monde ce soir — (colloq) I'm having people round GB ou over US tonight

    4) ( bonne société) society

    le beau or grand monde — high society

    ••

    c'est un monde! — (colloq) that's a bit much!

    * * *
    mɔ̃d nm
    1) (= planète) world
    2) (= bonne société)

    femme du monde — socialite, society woman

    3) (= milieu) world
    4) (= gens)

    beaucoup de monde — many people, a lot of people

    Il y avait beaucoup de monde au concert. — There were a lot of people at the concert.

    peu de monde — not many people, few people

    * * *
    monde nm
    1 ( terre) world; l'homme le plus grand/le plus riche du monde the tallest/the wealthiest man in the world; ce sont les meilleurs amis du monde they are the best of friends; expliquer le plus calmement/logiquement du monde que to explain quite calmly/logically that; pas le moins du monde not in the least ou slightest; si vous êtes le moins du monde soucieux if you are (in) the least bit worried; s'il souffrait le moins du monde if he felt any pain at all ou the slightest pain; se porter le mieux du monde to be fine; au monde gén on earth, in the world; personne/rien au monde ne la fera changer d'avis she won't change her mind for anybody/anything; pour rien au monde il ne raterait le match he wouldn't miss the match for anything; dans le monde entier all over the world; à travers le monde throughout the world; aller or voyager de par le monde liter, parcourir le monde to travel the world; il irait jusqu'au bout du monde pour la retrouver he would go to the ends of the earth to find her again; c'est le bout du monde!, c'est au bout du monde! it's miles from anywhere!, it's in the back of beyond!; mon père habite à l'autre bout du monde my father lives halfway around the world; ce n'est pas le bout du monde! fig it's not such a big deal!; comme le monde est petit! it's a small world!; ⇒ métier;
    2 ( société humaine) world; la faim/paix dans le monde world famine/peace; être les premiers au monde à faire to be the first in the world to do; vouloir refaire le monde to want to change the world ; être ouvert sur le monde to be aware of what is going on in the world; se retirer du monde to withdraw from the world; à la face du monde for all the world to see;
    3 ( ici-bas) les biens de ce monde worldly goods; en ce bas monde here below; l'autre monde the next world, the world to come; elle n'est plus de ce monde euph she's no longer with us euph; quand je ne serai plus de ce monde euph when I have departed this world; la perfection n'est pas de ce monde there is no such thing as perfection; le monde des vivants the land of the living; je n'étais pas encore au monde I wasn't yet born; ⇒ grand;
    4 (microcosme, section) world; le monde du travail/des idées the world of work/of ideas; le monde arabe/médical the Arab/medical world; le monde libre the free world; le monde moderne the modern world; le monde animal the animal kingdom; ils ne sont pas du même monde ( milieu) they are from different social backgrounds; c'est un monde à part it's a completely different world; cet événement marqua la fin d'un monde this event marked the end of an era; ⇒ ancien;
    5 ( gens) people; il y a du monde ( une foule) there are a lot of people; ( des gens) there's someone there; de plus en plus de monde more and more people; il n'y a pas grand monde there aren't many people; tout le monde everybody, everyone; voir beaucoup de monde to have a busy social life ; j'ai du monde ce soir I'm having people round GB ou over US tonight; elle se moque or se fout du monde! what does she take us for?; tout mon petit monde my family and friends (pl); réunir tout son monde ( entourage) to get everyone together;
    6 ( bonne société) society; sortir dans le monde to go out into society; le beau or grand monde high society;
    7 ( écart) il y a un monde entre there's a world of difference between; un monde nous sépare, il y a un monde entre nous we are worlds apart.
    mettre un enfant au monde to bring a child into the world; venir au monde to come into the world; se faire (tout) un monde de qch to get all worked up about sth; ainsi va le monde that's the way it goes; depuis que le monde est monde since the beginning of time; il faut de tout pour faire un monde Prov it takes all sorts to make a world Prov; c'est le monde à l'envers! the world's turned upside down!; c'est un monde! that's a bit much!
    [mɔ̃d] nom masculin
    1. [univers] world
    il n'est plus de ce monde he's no longer with us, he's gone to the next world
    en ce bas monde here on earth, here below
    depuis que le monde est monde since the beginning of time, since the world began
    2. [humanité] world
    tout le monde everybody, everyone
    tout le monde sait cela everybody ou the whole world knows that
    3. [pour intensifier]
    le plus simplement/gentiment du monde in the simplest/kindest possible way
    c'est ce que j'aime/je veux le plus au monde it's what I love/want most in the world
    pour rien au monde not for anything, not for the world
    nul ou personne au monde nobody in the world
    4. [communauté] world
    le monde de la finance the world of finance, the financial world
    le monde capitaliste/communiste the capitalist/communist world
    le monde animal/végétal the animal/plant world
    5. [gens] people (pluriel)
    il y a du monde? [en entrant chez quelqu'un] is there anybody home ou there?
    il y a un monde fou, c'est noir de monde the place is swarming ou alive with people
    ne t'en fais pas, je connais mon monde! don't worry, I know who I'm dealing with!
    tu te moques ou fiches (familier) ou fous (familier) du monde! you've got a nerve ou a bloody nerve!
    6. [société] world
    [groupe social] circle, set
    [classes élevées]
    le (beau) ou grand monde high society
    fréquenter le beau ou grand monde to mix with high society ou in society
    gens du monde socialites, society people
    7. [domaine] world, realm
    c'est un monde! (familier) that beats everything!, well I never!
    pourquoi ne ranges-tu jamais tes affaires, c'est un monde tout de même! (familier) why in the world ou why oh why don't you ever put your things away?

    Dictionnaire Français-Anglais > monde

  • 9 δυνατός

    δυνατός, ή, όν (Pind., Hdt.+; loanw. in rabb.).
    pert. to being capable or competent
    in general sense, able, capable, powerful of beings and their attributes, esp. political power or influence
    α. of transcendent beings: God (Plut., Numa 65 [9, 2]; IG XII, 8, 74; ILydiaKP [s. δύναμις 5] no. 224 p. 117; Ps 23:8; 44:4, 6; Ps.-Phocyl. 54; EpArist 139; Just., D. 129, 1) D 10:4. God as ὁ δ. (Ps 119:4; Zeph 3:17) Lk 1:49. Of angelic beings Hs 9, 4, 1.
    β. of humans: prominent people (Thu. 1, 89, 3; X., Cyr. 5, 4, 1; Polyb. 9, 23, 4; oft. LXX; Philo, Mos. 1, 49; Jos., Bell. 1, 242 Ἰουδαίων οἱ δυνατοί; Just., A I, 14, 4 δ. βασιλέων) Ac 25:5; 1 Cor 1:26; Rv 6:15 t.r. (Erasmian rdg.; s. RBorger, TRu 52, ’87, 57). Of pers. gener. (PsSol 5:3) δ. εἰμι I am empowered 2 Cor 12:10; 13:9; ἄνδρες λίαν καλοὶ καὶ δ. very handsome and powerful men Hs 9, 3, 1. Of women, fig. for virtues 9, 15, 3. Of faith w. ἰσχυρά Hm 9:10. Of the spirit 11:21.
    specificially, w. ref. to an area of competence or skill
    α. of pers. competent δυνατός (εἰμι)=δύναμαι I am able or in a position, skilled, adept Hs 1:8. W. pres. inf. foll. (X., An. 7, 4, 24; Pla., Ep. 7, 340e; Jos., C. Ap. 1, 187 λέγειν δ.) Tit 1:9 be expert in exhortation; Hb 11:19 be capable of raising the dead. W. aor. inf. foll. (PEleph 8, 18; PHib 78, 15; Num 22:38; EpJer 40; 63; Da 3:17) Lk 14:31; Ac 11:17, Ro 4:21; 11:23; 14:4 v.l.; 2 Cor 9:8 v.l.; 2 Ti 1:12; Js 3:2; 1 Cl 48:5; 61:3; Dg 9:1. W. ἔν τινι be strong, capable in someth.=distinguish oneself in it (Ps 23:8; Sir 21:7; 47:5; Jdth 11:8): in word and deed Lk 24:19 (cp. Thu. 1, 139, 4 Pericles λέγειν τε καὶ πράσσειν δυνατώτατος ‘very effective in speech and action’); cp. Ac 7:22 (in both passages the phrase connotes pers. worthy of exceptional honor, s. ἔργον 1a); in the Scriptures= well-versed 18:24; in everything one does Hm 7:1; οἱ δ. those who are strong (in faith) Ro 15:1. W. ἑρμηνεύειν able to translate Papias (2:16).
    β. of things (Polyb. 10, 31, 8 προτείχισμα; Zeph 1:14; Wsd 10:12; Jos., Ant. 14, 364): ὅπλα δ. πρός τι weapons powerful enough for someth. 2 Cor 10:4. Of commandments Hs 6, 1, 1. Of God’s created works v 1, 1, 3.
    pert. to being possible (neut.).
    it is possible δυνατόν ἐστι (Pind., Hdt. et al.; pap; 2 Macc 3:6) w. acc. and inf. (EpArist 230; Just., A I, 39, 4) Ac 2:24; Dg 9:4. W. inf. foll. (Horapollo 1, 21 p. 31 μαθεῖν; Just., A I, 63, 9 ἀναγράψαι πάντα al.) 9:6. εἰ δ. if (it is) possible (EpArist 9; Jos., Ant. 4, 310; 13, 31; B-D-F §127, 2) Mt 24:24; Mk 13:22; Ro 12:18; Gal 4:15; ISm 4:1; more completely εἰ δ. ἐστιν (PPetr II, 11 [1], 3; Menand., Epitr. 587 Kö. [907 S.] in a prayer εἴπερ ἐστὶ δυνατόν) Mt 26:39; Mk 14:35. ὡς δ. ἡμῖν … παρέξει ὁ κύριος ἐπιτελεῖν as soon as possible MPol 18:3.—W. dat. of pers. (w. or without copula) for someone (Lucian, Icar. 21 μὴ δυνατόν ἐστί μοι … μένειν; Just., D. 120, 4; Tat. 16, 2) 9:23; 14:36 (Iambl., Vi. Pyth. 28, 139 τ. θεοῖς πάντα δυνατά; Philo, Virt. 26 πάντα θεῷ δ.); Ac 20:16; Hs 5, 7, 3 (PGiss 79 II, 4; Jos., Ant. 3, 189). W. παρά τινι with someone = for someone Mt 19:26; Mk 10:27; Lk 18:27.
    τὸ δ. = ἡ δύναμις (Polyb. 1, 55, 4; Appian, Bell. Civ. 5, 45 §191; EpArist 229; cp. τὸ ὁμοιωθῆναι τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὸ δ.; Did., Gen 145, 6) God’s power (EpArist 133) Ro 9:22. ἐν δυνατῷ εἶναι be in the realm of possibility (OGI 771, 49; PCairZen 42, 4 [257 B.C.]; 209, 1 [254 B.C.]) B 17:1.—B. 295f. DELG s.v. δύναμαι. M-M. TW.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > δυνατός

  • 10 land

    land [lænd]
    terres1 (a), 1 (b), 1 (d) région1 (c) pays1 (e), 1 (f) royaume1 (f) poser2 (a) débarquer2 (a) hisser2 (b) décrocher2 (c) atterrir3 (a) arriver à quai3 (b) tomber3 (c) finir3 (d)
    1 noun
    (a) (for farming, building etc) terre f;
    he works on the land il travaille la terre;
    this is good farming land c'est de la bonne terre;
    building land terrain constructible;
    land for sale (sign) terrain à vendre;
    a piece of land (for farming) un lopin de terre; (for building) un terrain (à bâtir);
    to live off the land vivre des ressources naturelles de la terre;
    figurative to see how the land lies, to find out the lie or lay of the land tâter le terrain
    (b) (property) terre f, terres fpl;
    their lands were confiscated leurs terres ont été confisquées;
    get off my land! sortez de mes terres!
    (c) (area, region) région f;
    the desert lands of Northern Australia les régions désertiques du nord de l'Australie
    (d) (not sea) terre f;
    Nautical to make land reconnaître la terre;
    Nautical they sighted land ils aperçurent la terre;
    we travelled by land to Cairo nous sommes allés au Caire par la route;
    over land and sea sur terre et sur mer
    (e) literary or formal (nation, country) pays m;
    to travel in distant lands voyager dans des pays lointains;
    the victory was celebrated throughout the land le pays tout entier a fêté la victoire;
    a land of opportunity un pays où tout est possible
    (f) figurative (realm) royaume m, pays m;
    he is no longer in the land of the living il n'est plus de ce monde;
    she lives in a land of make-believe elle vit dans un monde de chimères
    (a) (plane) poser; (cargo, passengers) débarquer;
    they landed him on the deck of the ferry ils l'ont fait atterrir sur le pont du ferry;
    they have succeeded in landing men on the moon ils ont réussi à envoyer des hommes sur la Lune
    (b) (fish → onto bank) hisser sur la rive; (→ onto boat) hisser dans le bateau
    (c) familiar (job, contract) décrocher;
    he's just landed a good job il vient juste de décrocher ou dégoter un bon boulot
    (d) familiar (put, place) ficher;
    he caught me a blow that nearly landed me in the water il m'a flanqué un tel coup que j'ai bien failli me retrouver dans l'eau;
    this could land us in real trouble ça pourrait nous attirer de gros ennuis ou nous mettre dans le pétrin;
    you've landed us in a nice mess! tu nous as mis dans de beaux draps!;
    it'll land you in prison! tu finiras en prison!
    (e) (blow) flanquer;
    I landed him a blow or landed him one on the nose je lui ai flanqué ou collé mon poing dans la figure
    I got landed with the job of organizing the party c'est moi qui me suis retrouvé avec la fête à organiser, c'est moi qui me suis tapé l'organisation de la fête;
    I've been landed with the job of telling him c'est à moi qu'il est revenu de le lui dire;
    we got landed with their children for the weekend ils nous ont refilé leurs gosses ou il a fallu se farcir leurs gosses tout le week-end;
    as usual, I got landed with all the work comme d'habitude, c'est moi qui me suis tapé tout le travail;
    they landed me with the bill c'est moi qui ai écopé de l'addition
    (a) Aviation & Astronomy atterrir;
    they land at 7 p.m. ils atterrissent ou leur avion arrive à 19 heures;
    to land on the moon atterrir sur la Lune, alunir;
    to land in the sea amerrir;
    to land on an aircraft carrier apponter (sur un porte-avions)
    (b) Nautical (boat) arriver à quai; (passengers) débarquer
    (c) (ball) tomber, retomber; (gymnast, ski-jumper, horse, high jumper) se réceptionner; (falling object, bomb, parachutist) tomber; (bird) se poser;
    an apple/the ball landed on her head elle a reçu une pomme/le ballon sur la tête;
    to land on one's feet retomber sur ses pieds; (of cat) retomber sur ses pattes;
    familiar figurative he always manages to land on his feet il arrive toujours à retomber sur ses pattes
    (d) familiar (finish up) finir, atterrir;
    he slipped and landed in a puddle il a glissé et a atterri dans une flaque d'eau;
    I hope that problem doesn't land on my desk j'espère que ce problème ne va pas atterrir sur mon bureau;
    the car landed in the ditch la voiture a terminé sa course dans le fossé ;
    he landed in jail il s'est retrouvé en prison
    (prices → in town) du terrain; (→ in country) de la terre; (ownership) foncier; British History (army) de terre; (worker) agricole
    ►► Law land act loi f agraire;
    land agent (administrator) régisseur m, intendant(e) m,f; British (estate agent) agent m immobilier;
    land bank crédit m foncier;
    land breeze brise f de terre;
    land bridge isthme m;
    Accountancy land charge dette f foncière;
    land crab crabe m terrestre;
    the Land of Enchantment = surnom donné au Nouveau-Mexique;
    Land's End = pointe de la Cornouailles;
    Land of Lincoln = surnom donné à l'Illinois;
    the Land of the Midnight Sun la terre du soleil de minuit;
    land reform réforme f agraire;
    land register cadastre m;
    land registration inscription f au cadastre;
    land registry cadastre m;
    land registry office bureau m du cadastre;
    land route voie f de terre;
    land tax impôt m foncier, contribution f foncière
    familiar (finish up) finir, atterrir;
    the letter landed up in Finland la lettre a atterri en Finlande;
    you'll land up in jail! tu finiras en prison!;
    I landed up at a friend's house j'ai atterri ou échoué chez un ami;
    I landed up having to dance with him il a fallu que je danse avec lui ;
    I always landed up with the worst jobs je me tapais toujours les tâches les plus ingrates à faire
    A land fit for heroes Cette expression ("un pays digne de ses héros") trouve son origine dans un discours que le Premier ministre britannique Lloyd George prononça en 1918. Il y expliquait la façon dont il envisageait l'avenir de son pays au sortir de la Première Guerre mondiale, et déclarait qu'il incombait au gouvernement de faire de la Grande-Bretagne a fit country for heroes to live in ("un pays qui ferait honneur à ses héros"). On utilise aujourd'hui cette formule dans sa version modifiée et souvent sur le mode ironique en parlant de la façon dont un pays traite ses soldats. On dira par exemple if the returning veterans hoped for a land fit for heroes, they were to be sadly disappointed ("si, une fois de retour au pays, les anciens combattants s'étaient imaginé trouver un pays digne de héros, ils allaient être amèrement déçus").

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  • 11 ζάω

    ζάω contr. ζῶ (Hom.+) impf. ἔζων (Ro 7:9 B ἔζην; on this form s. Schwyzer I 675; B-D-F §88; Mlt-H. 194, both w. ref.); fut. ζήσω (uniformly attested Ro 6:2; Hb 12:9); the later (since Hippocr. VII p. 536 L.; LXX; AscIs 3:9; Jos., Ant. 1, 193 al.) form ζήσομαι (B-D-F §77; Rob. 356) is more common (on the fut. forms s. JLee, NovT 22, ’80, 289–98; GKilpatrick, ibid. 25, ’83, 146–51); 1 aor. ἔζησα. On the LXX usage s. Thackeray 269; for forms in pap, Gignac II 370.
    to be alive physically, live
    of physical life in contrast to death
    α. gener. Ac 22:22; Ro 7:1, 2, 3; 14:8ac; 1 Cor 7:39; 2 Cor 5:15a; 6:9; Hb 9:17. ψυχὴ ζῶσα a living soul (Gen 1:20 al.; Just., D. 6, 1 ζῇ ψυχῇ) 1 Cor 15:45 (Gen 2:7); Rv 16:3 v.l. ὅσα ἔτη ζῇ as many years as he lives B 10:6 (cp. SIG 663, 6; Sb 173, 6 Αὐρήλιος ζήσας ἔτη νε´; En 10:10). τὸ ζῆν life (Attic wr., ins, pap, LXX) ὥστε ἐξαπορηθῆναι ἡμᾶς καὶ τοῦ ζῆν so that we even despaired of life 2 Cor 1:8. διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ζῆν during the whole lifetime Hb 2:15 (cp. Diod S 1, 74, 3 διατελεῖν πάντα τὸν τοῦ ζῆν χρόνον; 4, 46, 4). ἔτι ζῶν while he was still living= before his death Mt 27:63 (CB I/2 660 no. 618 Ζώσιμος ἔτι ζῶν κατεσκεύασεν; 3 Km 12:6). ζῶντες ἐβλήθησαν … εἰς τὴν λίμνην τοῦ πυρός they were thrown alive into the lake of fire Rv 19:20. ζῶσα τέθνηκεν though alive she is dead 1 Ti 5:6 (cp. Sextus 7). ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες we during our (earthly) life 2 Cor 4:11; the same phrase= we who are still living 1 Th 4:15, 17. Here the opp. is νεκροί, as in Mt 22:32; Mk 12:27; Lk 20:38a. ζῶντες καὶ νεκροί the living and the dead Ac 10:42; Ro 14:9b; 2 Ti 4:1; 1 Pt 4:5; 2 Cl 1:1; B 7:2.—Occasionally the contrast betw. νεκρός and ζῆν is used fig. with ref. to the realm of religion and ethics Lk 15:24 v.l., 32.
    β. of dead persons who return to life become alive again: of humans in general (3 Km 17:23) Mt 9:18; Ac 9:41; 20:12; Rv 20:4, 5; AcPl Ha 11, 7. Of Jesus Mk 16:11; Lk 24:5, 23; Ac 1:3; 25:19; Ro 14:9a; 2 Cor 13:4a; Rv 1:18b; 2:8 (Just., D. 69, 6 νεκροὺς … ζῆν ποιήσας).
    γ. of sick persons, if their illness terminates not in death but in recovery be well, recover (Artem. 4, 4 ἔζησεν ὁ παῖς=became well; 5, 71; 72; PGM 1, 188; 4 Km 1:2; 8:8 εἰ ζήσομαι ἐκ τῆς ἀρρωστίας μου ταύτης; Jos., Vi. 421) Mk 5:23; J 4:50, 51, 53.—Of removal of anxiety 1 Th 3:8.
    δ. also of healthy persons live on, remain alive (X., An. 3, 2, 39 ὅστις δὲ ζῆν ἐπιθυμεῖ πειράσθω νικᾶν; Ep. 56 of Apollonius of Tyana [Philostrat. I 359, 14]; ApcMos 31 διὰ τί σὺ ἀποθνῄσκεις καγὼ ζῶ;) Ac 25:24; 28:4. ἐὰν ὁ κύριος θελήσῃ ζήσομεν Js 4:15. ὸ̓ς ἔχει τὴν πληγὴν τῆς μαχαίρης καὶ ἔζησεν Rv 13:14.
    ε. of beings that in reality, or as they are portrayed, are not subject to death: of Melchizedek Hb 7:8 (opp. ἀποθνῄσκοντες ἄνθρωποι). Jesus as everlasting high priest πάντοτε ζῶν 7:25.—In this sense it is most comprehensively applied to God (s. CBurchard, Untersuch. zu JosAs p. 103) (ὁ) θεὸς (ὁ) ζῶν (cp. 4 Km 19:4, 16; Is 37:4, 17; Hos 2:1; Da 6:21 Theod.; 3 Macc 6:28; TestAbr A 17 p. 99, 10 [Stone p. 46]; TestJob 37:2; JosAs 49:3 al.; SibOr 3, 763; POxy 924, 11 [IV A.D., Gnostic]; PGM 4, 1038 ὁ μέγας ζῶν θεός; 7, 823; 12, 79; Philo, Decal. 67 ὁ ζῶν ἀεὶ θεός; Orig., C. Cels. 8, 59, 18.—The phrase ‘the living God’ is not found in Joseph.) Mt 16:16; 26:63; J 6:69 v.l.; Ac 14:15; Ro 9:26 (Hos 2:1); 2 Cor 3:3; 6:16; 1 Th 1:9; 1 Ti 3:15; 4:10; 6:17 v.l.; Hb 3:12; 9:14; 10:31; 12:22; Rv 1:18a; 4:10; 7:2; 10:6; 2 Cl 20:2; GJs 20:1; AcPl Ha 2, 32; also ὁ ζῶν πατήρ J 6:57. W. the addition εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων Rv 15:7; cp. 4:9 (cp. Tob 13:2; Sir 18:1). God takes a sovereign oath in the words ζῶ ἐγώ as surely as I live (Num 14:28 al.) Ro 14:11 (Is 49:18; classical parallels GStählin, NovT 5, ’62, 142 n. 2). ζῇ κύριος ὁ θεός [μου] as surely as the Lord my God lives GJs 4:1; 6:1; 13:3; 15:3; 19:3 (Judg 8:19; 1 Km 25:34 al; GrBar 1:7; cp. ApcEsdr 2:7); in expanded form καὶ ζῇ ὁ Χριστὸς αὐτοῦ 15:4 (s. deStrycker ad loc.).—Christ lives διὰ τὸν πατέρα because of the Father J 6:57b (s. Bultmann, comm. ad loc.).
    w. mention of that upon which life depends ἐπί τινι on the basis of someth. (Andoc. 1, 100; Isocr. 10, 18; Ael. Aristid. 28, 103 K.=49 p. 525 D.) ζ. ἐπʼ ἄρτῳ live on bread Mt 4:4; Lk 4:4 (both Dt 8:3). ζ. ἔκ τινος obtain one’s living fr. someth. (Aristoph., Eccl. 591; Demosth. 57, 36; POxy 1117, 19; 1557, 12; TestJob 47:1f) 1 Cor 9:14.
    w. more precise mention of the sphere (Artem. 3, 62 ἐν ἀγορᾷ ζ.=spend his life in the marketplace) ζ. ἐν σαρκί live in the flesh in contrast to the heavenly life Phil 1:22; Gal 2:20c; ζ. ἐν κόσμῳ live in the world Col 2:20. ζ. ἐν θεῷ, live in God (as the Being who penetrates and embraces everything) Ac 17:28 (s. κινέω 3). For AcPl Ha 1, 15 s. 2a end.
    to live in a transcendent sense, live, of the sanctified life of a child of God (ζῆν in the sense of a higher type of life than the animal: X., Mem. 3, 3, 11; Cass. Dio 69, 19: after years of public service, Similis retires and prepares this epitaph: Σίμιλις ἐνταύθα κεῖται βιοὺς μὲν ἔτη τόσα, ζήσας δὲ ἔτη ἑπτά=Here lies Similis, existing for so many years, but alive for only seven.).
    in the world ἐγὼ ἔζων χωρὶς νόμου ποτέ I was once (truly) alive without law (this has been interpr. to mean when no law existed; Paul is then regarded as speaking fr. the viewpoint of humanity in paradise before the command Gen 2:16 f; 3:3. Another interpr. thinks of Paul as referring to the period in his life when he was not conscious of the existence and significance of the law. In view of Paul’s climactic affirmation in Ro 7:25, Paul probably illustrates in the first person the perils of a Christian who succumbs to the illusion that moral action is connected with law rather than with the ‘spirit of life in Christ’ Ro 8:2) Ro 7:9. Even now those who listen to the voice of the Son of God enjoy this life J 5:25; cp. 11:26; likew. those who receive him into their being ὁ τρώγων τὸν ἄρτον 6:57c; cp. Ro 6:11, 13 (ἐκ νεκρῶν ζῶντας); Gal 2:19; Rv 3:1. This heavenly life on earth is a ζ. πνεύματι Gal 5:25 or a life not of mere human achievement, but of Christ who lives in Christians 2:20ab. Also of the superhuman power of the apostle ζήσομεν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ δυνάμεως θεοῦ εἰς ὑμᾶς we shall live with him (Christ) through God’s power in our dealings with you 2 Cor 13:4. ὁ κύριος βούλεται ζῆν ἡμᾶς ἐν θεῷ=the Lord wills that we live under God’s direction AcPl Ha 1, 15 (opp. ἀποθανεῖν ἐν ἁμαρτίαις; s. 1c end)
    in the glory of the life to come (Sir 48:11; cp. Dt 4:1; 8:1; 30:16).
    α. abs. Lk 10:28; J 11:25; 14:19; Ro 8:13b; Hb 12:9. ἐμοὶ τ. ζῆν Χριστός= life is possible for me only where Christ is (hence death is gain) Phil 1:21 (s. OSchmitz, GHeinrici Festschr. 1914, 155–69). Another common interpr. is for me to live is Christ, i.e. while I am alive I experience real life in connection with Christ; w. death comes life in all fullness in the presence of Jesus.
    β. More specifically εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα have eternal life (Ps.-Lucian, Philopatr. 17 ζῆν εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα; PsSol 14:2) J 6:51, 58 (in J the blessed life which the follower of Jesus enjoys here and now in the body is simply continued in the heavenly life of the future. In other respects also the dividing line betw. the present and the future life is somet. nonexistent or at least not discernible); B 6:3; 8:5; 9:2; 11:10f; ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ (i.e. Χριστῷ) ζ. live together with Christ 1 Th 5:10; ζ. διʼ αὐτοῦ (i.e. Chr.) 1J 4:9; ζ. κατὰ θεὸν πνεύματι live, as God (lives), in the Spirit 1 Pt 4:6. ὁ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται (cp. Hab 2:4) he that is just through faith will have life Ro 1:17 (AFeuillet, NTS 6, ’59, 52–80; but s. Fitzmyer, Ro [AB] ad loc.); Gal 3:11; Hb 10:38. This life is τὸ ἀληθινὸν ζῆν ITr 9:2; IEph 11:1. Christ is called τὸ ἀδιάκριτον ἡμῶν ζῆν our unshakable or inseparable life 3:2. τὸ διὰ παντὸς ἡμῶν ζῆν our total life 1 Mg 1:2—The law-directed pers. believes concerning legal performance: ὁ ποιήσας αὐτὰ ζήσεται ἐν αὐτοῖς (Lev 18:5) Gal 3:12; cp. Ro 10:5 (cp. Dio Chrys. 58 [75], 1 οἱ τοῦτον [= τ. νόμον] φυλάττοντες ἔχονται τῆς σωτηρίας=those who observe law have a firm grip on security).
    to conduct oneself in a pattern of behavior, live (Hom. et al.)
    used w. adverbs or other modifiers: adv. (Sallust. 19 p. 34, 25 κακῶς ζῆν [Just., A I, 4, 7]; SIG 889, 13ff; Wsd 14:28; Philo; Jos., Ant. 12, 198; Ath. 3, 1 δίκην θηρίων) ἀσώτως Lk 15:13. ἐθνικῶς and ἰουδαϊκῶς Gal 2:14. εὐσεβῶς 2 Ti 3:12. πανούργως Hm 3, 3. σωφρόνως κ. δικαίως κ. εὐσεβῶς Tit 2:12 (Plut., Mor. 1108c ζῆν σωφρόνως κ. δικαίως; cp. Diog. L. 10, 132; 140; Ar. 15, 10).—Φαρισαῖος live as a Pharisee Ac 26:5. ἐν πίστει Gal 2:20d. ἐν ἁμαρτίᾳ Ro 6:2; ζ. ἐν τούτοις live in these (sins) Col 3:7. κατὰ ἀλήθειαν in keeping w. the truth IEph 6:2 (cp. Philo, Post. Cai. 73 κατὰ βούλημα τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ζ.; Jos., Ant. 4, 302 κατὰ τ. νόμους ζ.; Just., D. 47, 4 κατὰ τὸν νόμον; Orig., C. Cels. 7, 12, 7 κατὰ τὰς θείας γραφάς). κατὰ θεόν 8:1 (cp. SIG 910 A and B). κατὰ Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν IPhld 3:2. κατὰ Χριστιανισμόν live in accordance w. (our) commitment to Christ IMg 10:1. κατὰ σάρκα Ro 8:12f; Dg 5:8; κατὰ κυριακὴν ζ. (opp. σαββατίζειν) include the observance of the Lord’s day in one’s life IMg 9:1. Of a married woman ζ. μετὰ ἀνδρός live w. her husband Lk 2:36 (for the added acc. of extent of time cp. Ael. Aristid. 46 p. 332 D.; Pr 28:16; ἥτις ἔζησεν καλῶς μετʼ ἐμοῦ ἔτη 28, μῆνας 4, ἡμέρας 5: SEG II, 384, 6–8 [restored]; s. also FDanker, Jesus and the New Age ’88, 71).
    τινί live for someone or someth., for the other’s benefit (Hom. et al.; Demosth. 7, 17 οἳ οὐκ αἰσχύνονται Φιλίππῳ ζῶντες καὶ οὐ τῇ ἑαυτῶν πατρίδι; Dionys. Hal. 3, 17 … παῖδες, τῷ πατρὶ ζῶντες) ζ. τῷ θεῷ (4 Macc 7:19; 16:25; Philo, Mut. Nom. 13, Rer. Div. Her. 111; s. SAalen, NTS 13, ’67, 10) Lk 20:38b (cp. Soph., Ajax 970); Ro 6:10, 11; Gal 2:19; Hm 3:5; AcPl Ha 10, 7; τῷ κυρίῳ Ro 14:8b (cp. Plut., Cleom. 819 [31, 5]). For Christ 2 Cor 5:15; τῷ ἐμῷ βασιλεῖ AcPl Ha 9, 26 (restored after Aa I 112, 14) τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ ζ. 1 Pt 2:24; ἑαυτῷ ζ. live for oneself (Menand., Fgm. 646 Kö. οὐχ ἑαυτῷ ζῆν μόνον; Diod S 10, 33, 2 ζ. ἑαυτοῖς=live for themselves) Ro 14:7.
    to be full of vitality, be lively the ptc. is used fig. w. respect to things (cp. τῶν δένδρων τῶν ζῶντων ParJer 9:3), of spring water in contrast w. cistern water ὕδωρ ζῶν (Gen 26:19; Lev 14:5; Jer 2:13 v.l.; Zech 14:8.—Stagnant water is called ὕ. νεκρόν: Synes., Ep. 114, 254d) J 4:10f (Hdb. exc. on J 4:14); 7:38; D 7:1f (Wengst p. 77 n. 57). ζώσας πηγάς Rv 7:17 v.l.
    to be life-productive, offer life ptc. used w. respect to things (SIG 1173 [138 A.D.], 5 ζῶσαι ἀρεταὶ ἐγένοντο=miracles full of divine life occurred) λόγια ζῶντα words that meant life Ac 7:38. λόγος ζῶν θεοῦ 1 Pt 1:23; cp. Hb 4:12. ὁδὸς ζῶσα a living way 10:20. ἐλπὶς ζῶσα a living hope 1 Pt 1:3.—ζ. is also used of things which serve as descriptions of pers. who communicate divine life: of Christ ὁ ἄρτος ὁ ζῶν J 6:51a. λίθος ζῶν 1 Pt 2:4. Of Christians: θυσία ζῶσα a living sacrifice Ro 12:1. λίθοι ζῶντες 1 Pt 2:5.—τὰ παρὰ ζώσης φωνῆς καὶ μενούσης the (words) of a living and abiding voice Papias (2:4) (opp. ἐκ τῶν βιβλίων).—Lit. s. ζωή end. DELG s.v. ζώω.M-M. TW.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ζάω

  • 12 κύριος

    1
    I. κύριος, ία, ιον(Pind. et al.; ins, pap) comp. κυριώτερος (Just., A II, 13, 3); superl. κυριώτατος (Just., D. 11, 2); adv. κυρίως. The primary mng. relates to possession of power or authority, in various senses: ‘strong, authoritative, valid, ruling’; then to that which is preeminently important principal, essential (Aeschyl. et al.; 4 Macc 1:19; Jos., Ant. 20, 41, C. Ap. 1, 19; 2, 177; Just.; Ath. 22:2) τὸ δὲ κυριώτερον but what is more important IMg 1:2 (cp. Diog. L. 4, 26 ἐν τῷ κυρίῳ=quite definitely).—DELG.
    2
    II. κύριος, ου, ὁ (the masc. form of the subst. adj. κύριος [s. I], Aeschyl.+; Appian, Bell. Civ. 4, 92 §385 [=ὁ τὸ κῦρος ἔχων]; ins, pap, LXX, pseudepigr.; Philo, Joseph., apolog.; loanw. in rabb. For the corresp. fem. s. κυρία.) gener. ‘lord, master’.
    one who is in charge by virtue of possession, owner (X., Symp. 6, 1; Diod S 4, 15, 3; 14, 7, 6; ins, pap, LXX) κ. πάντων Gal 4:1 (Diod S 33, 7, 1; Philostrat., Vi. Apoll. 1, 13 p. 12, 10 of one who has come of age and controls his own property).
    of things w. impers. obj. κ. τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος owner of the vineyard (cp. SIG 742, 6 κ. τῆς χώρας) Mt 20:8; 21:40; Mk 12:9; Lk 20:13, 15; ὁ κ. τῆς οἰκίας the master of the house (Ex 22:7; SIG 1215, 28; PTebt 5, 147 [118 B.C.] τοὺς κ. τῶν οἰκιῶν) Mk 13:35. Of a πῶλος: οἱ κ. αὐτοῦ its owners (PHib 34, 3 a span of oxen; Ex 21:29 [αὐτοῦ=τοῦ ταύρου]) Lk 19:33 (ASouter, Exp. 8th ser., 8, 1914, 94f, in connection w. the pl. here and Ac 16:16, 19 thinks of the owners as man and wife; the pl. οἱ κύριοι has this mng. Diod S 34 + 35, Fgm. 2, 10 and 2, 37: a married couple who are slave-owners. On the other hand in the Syntipas collection of Aesop’s Fables 16 p. 534 P. οἱ κύριοι of a dog are a number of metalworkers. On Hebr. background for possible understanding of the pl. in the sing. sense ‘owner’, s. RButh, JBL 104, ’86, 680–85.). The mng. owner easily passes into that of lord, master, one who has full control of someth. (Diod S 5, 42, 5 θανάτου κύριοι=lords over [life and] death; 10, 17, 1 and 2 κ. τοῦ σώματος=master of one’s own body; Ptolem., Apotel. 3, 11, 10 ὁ κ. τῆς ζωῆς; PsSol 2:29 κ. γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης; Philo, Spec. Leg. 3, 67; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 200) ὁ κ. τοῦ θερισμοῦ the Lord of the harvest (Jos., Ant.4, 227 κύριος ἔστω τὰ φυτὰ καρποῦσθαι) Mt 9:38; Lk 10:2. κ. τοῦ σαββάτου Lord of the Sabbath Mt 12:8; Mk 2:28; Lk 6:5.
    w. a personal obj.: opp. δοῦλος J 13:16; foll. by gen. of pers. (cp. Judg 19:11; Gen 24:36; TestSol 22:5; TestJob 7:9; TestGad 4:4; JosAs 4:14) Mt 10:24f; 18:31f; 24:48; Lk 12:36. ὁ κ. τοῦ δούλου Lk 12:46. Abs., though the sense is unmistakable (Diod S 8, 5, 3; ApcEsdr 3:14 p. 27, 27f Tdf.) 12:37, 42b; 14:23; J 15:15; cp. Ro 14:4a; Eph 6:9a; Col 4:1. Several masters of the same slave (Billerb. I 430.—TestJos 14:2): δυσὶν κυρίοις δουλεύειν Mt 6:24; Ac 16:16, 19 (s. Souter under a above). κατὰ σάρκα designates more definitely the sphere in which the service-relation holds true οἱ κατὰ σάρκα κ. Eph 6:5; Col 3:22. As a form of address used by slaves κύριε Mt 13:27; 25:20, 22, 24; Lk 13:8; 14:22; 19:16, 18, 20, 25.
    one who is in a position of authority, lord, master
    of earthly beings, as a designation of any pers. of high position: of husband in contrast to wife 1 Pt 3:6 (Gen 18:12; TestAbr A 15 p. 95, 15 [Stone p. 38]; ApcMos 2. cp. Plut., De Virt. Mul. 15 p. 252b; SIG 1189, 7; 1190, 5; 1234, 1); of a father by his son Mt 21:29 (cp. BGU 423, 2 Ἀπίων Ἐπιμάχῳ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ; 818, 1; 28; Gen 31:35; by his daughter TestJob 46:2; JosAs 4:5); of an official in high position, by those who have dealings with him (cp. PFay 106, 15; 129, 1; 134, 2; BGU 648, 16) Mt 27:63. As a form of address to respected pers. gener.; here, as elsewhere, = our sir (as Mod. Gk.) Mt 25:11; J 12:21; 20:15 (but s. NWyatt, ZNW 81, ’90, 38); Ac 16:30; Rv 7:14 (cp. Epict. 3, 23, 11; 19; Gen 23:6; 44:18; TestAbr A 2 p. 78, 33 [Stone p. 4]; JosAs 7:8 al.). The distinctive Gr-Rom. view of ‘deified’ rulers requires treatment under 2bβ.
    of transcendent beings
    α. as a designation of God (for this custom, which has its roots in the Orient, s. the references in Ltzm., Hdb. exc. on Ro 10:9; Bousset, Kyrios Christos2 1921, 95–98; Dssm., LO 298f [LAE 353ff]; s. also SEG XXXVI, 350 and add. ins cited by DZeller, DDD 918f; LXX (where it freq. replaces the name Yahweh in the Mt); pseudepigr.; Philo, Just.; Hippol. Ref. 8, 17, 1; Orig., C. Cels. 1, 35, 6.—FDoppler, D. Wort ‘Herr’ als Göttername im Griech.: Opusc. philol. v. kath. akad. Philologenverein in Wien I 1926, 42–47; MParca, ASP 31, ’91, 51 [lit.]) ὁ κ. Mt 5:33; Mk 5:19; Lk 1:6, 9, 28, 46; 2:15, 22; Ac 4:26 (Ps 2:2); 7:33; 8:24; Eph 6:7 (perh. w. ref. to Christ); 2 Th 3:3; 2 Ti 1:16, 18; Hb 8:2; Js 1:7; 4:15. Without the art. (on the inclusion or omission of the art. s. BWeiss [θεός, beg.]; B-D-F §254, 1; Mlt-Turner 174), like a personal name (οὐδένα κύριον ὀνομνάζουσι πλὴν τὸν θεόν Hippol. Ref. 9, 26, 2) Mt 27:10; Mk 13:20; Lk 1:17, 58; Ac 7:49; Hb 7:21 (Ps 109:4); 12:6 (Pr 3:12); 2 Pt 2:9; Jd 5 (θεὸς Χριστός P72); 9. ἄγγελος κυρίου (LXX, TestSol, GrBar et al.) Mt 1:20, 24; 2:13, 19; 28:2; Lk 1:11; 2:9a; J 5:3 v.l.; Ac 5:19; 7:30 v.l.; 8:26; 12:7, 23. δόξα κυρίου (Is 40:5; PsSol 5:19; 7:31; TestLevi 8:11; ApcMos 37) Lk 2:9b; δούλη κ. 1:38; ἡμέρα κ. Ac 2:20 (Jo 3:4); νόμος κ. Lk 2:23f, 39; τὸ ὄνομα κ. Mt 21:9 (Ps 117:26; PsSol 6:1 al.); Ac 2:21 (Jo 3:5); πνεῦμα κ. Lk 4:18 (Is 61:1); Ac 8:39; τὸ ῥῆμα κ. 1 Pt 1:25 (Gen 15:1 al.); φωνὴ κ. (Gen 3:8 al.); Ac 7:31; χεὶρ κ. (Ex 9:3 al.; TestJob 26:4; ApcMos prol.) Lk 1:66. ὁ Χριστὸς κυρίου 2:26 (PsSol 17:32 [Χριστὸς κύριος, s. app.]).—W. the sphere of his lordship more definitely expressed (Diod S 3, 61, 5 Zeus is κ. τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμου; 6 θεὸς καὶ κ. εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμου; Jos., Ant. 20, 90 τῶν πάντων κ.; Just., D. 127, 2 κ. τῶν πάντων) κ. τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῆς γῆς (PGM 4, 640f; ParJer 5:32 [Harris]) Mt 11:25; Lk 10:21; cp. Ac 17:24. κ. τῶν κυριευόντων Lord of lords 1 Ti 6:15. ὁ κ. ἡμῶν 1:14; 2 Pt 3:15; Rv 11:15 (LXX; PsSol 10:5). Cp. 22:6 (s. Num 16:22; 27:16). κ. ὁ θεός Lk 1:32; Rv 1:8; with μου (σου, etc.) Mt 4:7 (Dt 6:16), 10 (Dt 6:13); 22:37 (Dt 6:5); Mk 12:29f (Dt 6:4f); Lk 1:16 al. κ. ὁ θεὸς τοῦ Ἰσραήλ 1:68 (PsSol 16:3; TestSol 1:13). κ. ὁ θεὸς (ἡμῶν) ὁ παντοκράτωρ God, the (our) Lord, the Almighty Rv 4:8; 15:3; 16:7; 19:6; 21:22 (TestSol D 4:7; cp. ParJer 9:6). κ. Σαβαώθ Ro 9:29 (Is 1:9; TestSol 1:6 al.; Just., D. 64, 2); Js 5:4.—W. prep. ἐνώπιον τοῦ κυρίου Lk 1:15 (Ex 23:17; 1 Km 1:25 al.; TestJob 15:6 al.; TestReub 1:9 al.). παρὰ κυρίου Mt 21:42; Mk 12:11 (both Ps 117:23). παρὰ κυρίῳ 2 Pt 3:8. πρὸς τὸν κύριον Hs 9, 12, 6 (LXX; PsSol 1:1 al.).
    β. Closely connected w. the custom of applying the term κ. to deities is that of honoring (deified) rulers with the same title (exx. [2bα beg.] in Ltzm., op. cit.; Bousset 93; Dssm., 299ff [LAE 356]; FKattenbusch, Das apostol. Symbol II 1900, 605ff; KPrümm, Herrscherkult u. NT: Biblica 9, 1928, 3–25; 119–40; 289–301; JFears, RAC XIV, 1047–93; JvanHenten, 1341–52 [lit.]; cp. the attitude of the Lacedaemonians: φοβούμενοι τὸν ἕνα κ. αὐτῶν τὸν Λυκούργου νόμον=‘respecting their one and only lord, the law of Lycurgus’ Orig., C. Cels. 8, 6, 12). Fr. the time of Claudius (POxy. 37, 6; O. Wilck II 1038, 6) we find the Rom. emperors so designated in increasing measure; in isolated cases, even earlier (OGI 606, 1; on Augustus’ attitude s. DioCass. 51, 7f). Ac 25:26.—On deified rulers in gener. s. LCerfaux-JTondriau, Un concurrent du Christianisme: le culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine ’57; FTaeger, Charisma, 2 vols. ’57–60; DRoloff, Göttlichkeit, Vergöttlichung und Erhöhung zu seligem Leben, ’70. S. esp. the collection of articles and reviews by various scholars, in Römischer Kaiserkult, ed. AWlosok ’78.
    γ. κύριος is also used in ref. to Jesus:
    א. in OT quotations, where it is understood of the Lord of the new community ἡ ὁδὸς κ. (Is 40:3) Mt 3:3; Mk 1:3; Lk 3:4; J 1:23. εἶπεν κύριος τ. κυρίῳ μου (Ps 109:1: the first κ. is God, the second Christ; s. Billerb. IV 452–65: Der 110. Ps. in d. altrabb. Lit.; βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν χριστὸς κ. [or κυρίου; s. 2bα] PsSol 17:32) Mt 22:44 (cp. vss. 43, 45); Mk 12:36 (cp. vs. 37); Lk 20:42 (cp. vs. 44); Ac 2:34. ὁ καυχώμενος ἐν κυρίῳ καυχάσθω 1 Cor 1:31 (cp. Jer 9:22f). τὸ ὄνομα κυρίου Ro 10:13 (cp. Jo 3:5). σὺ κατʼ ἀρχάς, κύριε, τὴν γῆν ἐθεμελίωσας Hb 1:10 (cp. Ps 101:26). εἰ ἐγεύσασθε ὅτι χρηστὸς ὁ κύριος 1 Pt 2:3 (cp. Ps 33:9). 1 Pt 3:15 adds Χριστόν to κύριον ἁγιάσατε Is 8:13.
    ב. Apart from OT quots., Mt and Mk speak of Jesus as κύριος only in one pass. (words of Jesus himself) Mk 11:3=Mt 21:3 (but s. RBratcher, ET 64, ’52/53, 93; New Docs 1, 43; JDerrett, NovT 13, ’71, 241–58 on the public transport system; cp. Lk 19:31, 34), but they record that he was addressed as ‘Lord’ (κύριε), once in Mk (7:28) and more oft. in Mt, e.g. 8:2, 6, 8, 21, 25; 9:28; 14:28, 30; 15:22, 25, 27; 16:22 (also ApcSed 12:2).—Lk refers to Jesus much more frequently as ὁ κ. (Iren. 1, prol. 2 [Harv. I 4, 5] and 5, 26, 2 [Harv. II 396, 2]): 7:13; 10:1, 39 (Ἰησοῦ P75; τοῦ Ἰησοῦ P45 et al.), 41; 11:39; 12:42a; 13:15; 17:5f; 18:6; 19:8 al. The voc. κύριε is also found oft.: 5:8, 12; 9:54, 61; 10:17, 40; 11:1; 12:41 al.—In J the designation ὁ κ. occurs rarely, in the first 19 chapters only in passages that are text-critically uncertain (4:1 v.l.; 6:23, with omission in some mss.) or that have been suspected on other grounds (11:2); then 20:2, 18, 20, 25; cp. vss. 13, 28; 21:7ab, 12. On the other hand, κύριε in address is extraordinarily common throughout the whole book: 4:11, 15, 19, 49; 5:7; 6:34, 68 al. (more than 30 times).—In the long ending of Mk we have the designation ὁ κ. twice, 16:19, 20. In GPt ὁ κ. occurs 1:2; 2:3ab; 3:6, 8; 4:10; 5:19; 6:21, 24; 12:50ab; 14:59, 60 (in the last pass. without the art.); the fragment that has been preserved hardly affords any opportunity for the use of the voc. 2 Cl introduces apocryphal sayings of Jesus with λέγει ὁ κ. 5:2; λ. ὁ κ. ἐν τ. εὐαγγελίῳ 8:5.—Repeated κύριε, κύριε Mt 7:21f; Lk 6:46; 2 Cl 4:2 (TestAbr A 9 p. 86, 26 [Stone p. 20]; ApcMos 25 p. 14, 1 Tdf.; s. KKöhler, StKr 88, 1915, 471–90).
    ג. Even in the passages already mentioned the use of the word κ. raises Jesus above the human level (Mani is also κ. for his people: Kephal. I 183, 11; 13; 16); this tendency becomes even clearer in the following places: ὁ κύριος Ac 5:14; 9:10f, 42; 11:23f; 22:10b; Ro 12:11; 14:8; 1 Cor 6:13f, 17; 7:10, 12; 2 Cor 5:6, 8; Gal 1:19; Col 1:10; 1 Th 4:15b; 2 Th 3:1; Hb 2:3; Js 5:7f; B 5:5; IEph 10:3; AcPl Ha 6, 21; 7, 5; 27; 8, 2; AcPlCor 1:6, 14.—Without the art. 1 Cor 4:4; 7:22b; 10:21ab; 2 Cor 12:1; 1 Th 4:15a; 2 Ti 2:24; AcPlCor 1:8. So esp. in combinations w. preps.: ἀπὸ κυρίου Col 3:24. κατὰ κύριον 2 Cor 11:17. παρὰ κυρίου Eph 6:8. πρὸς κύριον 2 Cor 3:16; AcPl Ha 6, 9. πρὸς τὸν κ. 8, 23. σὺν κυρίῳ 1 Th 4:17b. ὑπὸ κυρίου 1 Cor 7:25b; 2 Th 2:13. Esp. freq. is the Pauline formula ἐν κυρίῳ (lit. on ἐν 4c), which appears outside Paul’s letters only Rv 14:13; IPol 8:3; AcPl Ha 3, 23; AcPlCor 1:1, 16 (cp. Pol 1:1 ἐν κυρίῳ ἡμῶν Ἰ. Χριστῷ): 1 Cor 11:11; Phlm 16; πιστὸς ἐν κ. 1 Cor 4:17; cp. Eph 6:21; Hm 4, 1, 4; φῶς ἐν κ. Eph 5:8. ἡ σφραγίς μου τ. ἀποστολῆς ὑμεῖς ἐστε ἐν κ. 1 Cor 9:2. W. verbs: ἀσπάζεσθαι Ro 16:22 (GBahr, CBQ 28, ’66, 465f renders: in the service of my master, i.e. Paul); 1 Cor 16:19. ἐνδυναμοῦσθαι Eph 6:10. καλεῖσθαι 1 Cor 7:22a. καυχᾶσθαι 1:31. κοπιᾶν Ro 16:12ab; μαρτύρεσθαι Eph 4:17. παραλαμβάνειν διακονίαν Col 4:17. πεποιθέναι εἴς τινα Gal 5:10. ἐπί τινα 2 Th 3:4; cp. Phil 1:14; 2:24. προί̈στασθαι 1 Th 5:12. προσδέχεσθαι Ro 16:2; Phil 2:29. στήκειν 4:1; 1 Th 3:8. ὑπακούειν Eph 6:1. τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν Phil 4:2. θύρας μοι ἀνεῳγμένης ἐν κ. 2 Cor 2:12.—W. διδάσκαλος J 13:13f. W. σωτήρ 2 Pt 3:2; cp. 1:11; 2:20 (Just., D. 39, 2). W. Χριστός Ac 2:36; cp. Χριστὸς κύριος (La 4:20; PsSol 17, 32 v.l. [GBeale, Christos Kyrios in PsSol 17:32—‘The Lord’s Anointed’ Reconsidered: NTS 31, ’85, 620–27]; PsSol 18 ins) Lk 2:11. ὁ κ. Χριστός AcPlCor 2:3. Esp. freq. are the formulas ὁ κ. Ἰησοῦς Ac 1:21; 4:33; 8:16; 11:20; 15:11; 16:31; 19:5, 13, 17; 20:24, 35; 21:13; 1 Cor 11:23; 16:23; 2 Cor 4:14; 11:31; Gal 6:17 v.l.; Eph 1:15; 1 Th 2:15; 4:2; 2 Th 1:7; 2:8; Phlm 5.—ὁ κ. Ἰησοῦς Χριστός Ac 11:17; 28:31; Ro 13:14; 2 Cor 13:13; Phil 4:23; 2 Th 3:6; Phlm 25; 1 Cl 21:6 (Ar. 15, 1). Without the art. mostly in introductions to letters Ro 1:7; 1 Cor 1:3; 2 Cor 1:2; Gal 1:3; Eph 1:2; 6:23; Phil 1:2; 3:20; 1 Th 1:1; 2 Th 1:2, 12b; 1 Ti 5:21 v.l.; Js 1:1; Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς κ. 2 Cor 4:5; Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. Col 2:6. Χριστὸς ὁ κ. 2 Cl 9:5. In an appeal κύριε Ἰησοῦ (cp. Sb 8316, 5f κύριε Σάραπι; PGM 7, 331 κύριε Ἄνουβι) Ac 7:59; Rv 22:20. κύριε AcPl Ha 7:30f, 40.—W. gen. of pers. (in many places the mss. vary considerably in adding or omitting this gen.) ὁ κ. μου ISm 5:2. ὁ κ. ἡμῶν 2 Ti 1:8; Hb 7:14; IPhld ins; ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Ac 20:21; 1 Cor 5:4; 2 Cor 1:14; 1 Th 2:19; 3:11, 13; 2 Th 1:8; Hb 13:20. Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. ἡμῶν 1 Cor 9:1. ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Χριστός Ro 16:18 (the only pass. in Paul without Ἰησοῦς). ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστός Ac 15:26; Ro 5:1, 11; 15:6, 30; 1 Cor 1:2, 7f, 10; 6:11 v.l.; 15:57; 2 Cor 1:3; 8:9; Gal 6:14, 18; Eph 1:3; 5:20; 6:24; Col 1:3; 1 Th 1:3; 5:9, 23, 28; 2 Th 2:1, 14, 16; 3:18; 1 Ti 6:3, 14; Js 2:1; 1 Pt 1:3; 2 Pt 1:8, 14, 16; Jd 4, 17, 21 (also TestSol 1:12 D). ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Χριστός Ἰησοῦς AcPlCor 2:5; cp. AcPl Ha 8, 17=Ox 1602, 20f/BMM recto 22. Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ro 1:4; 5:21; 7:25; 1 Cor 1:9; Jd 25 (Just., D. 41, 4). (ὁ) Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ro 6:11 v.l., 23; 8:39; 1 Cor 15:31; Eph 3:11; 1 Ti 1:2, 12; 2 Ti 1:2 (ὁ ἡμέτερος κ. Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς Just., D. 32, 3 and 47, 5 al.). Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. μου Phil 3:8. ὁ κ. μου Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς AcPl Ha 7, 29. ὁ κ. αὐτῶν Rv 11:8.—W. other genitives: πάντων κ. Lord over all (cp. Pind., I. 5, 53 Ζεὺς ὁ πάντων κ.; Plut., Mor. 355e Osiris; PGM 13, 202) Ac 10:36; Ro 10:12. κ. κυρίων (cp. En 9:4) Rv 17:14; 19:16.—That ‘Jesus is κύριο’ (perh. ‘our κύριος is Jesus’) is the confession of the (Pauline) Christian church: Ro 10:9; 1 Cor 12:3; cp. 8:6; Phil 2:11 (on the latter pass. s. under ἁρπαγμός and κενόω 1. Cp. also Diod S 5, 72, 1: after Zeus was raised ἐκ γῆς εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, there arose in the ψυχαῖς of all those who had experienced his benefactions, the belief ὡς ἁπάντων τῶν γινομένων κατὰ οὐρανὸν οὗτος εἴη κύριος; s. also 3, 61, 6 Zeus acclaimed ‘God and Lord’).—In J the confession takes the form ὁ κύριός μου καὶ ὁ θεός μου J 20:28 (on the combination of κύριος and θεός s. θεός, beg., and 3c).—JFitzmyer, The Semitic Background of the NT Kyrios-Title: A Wandering Aramaean—Collected Aramaic Essays ’79, 115–42; s. also 87–90.
    δ. In some places it is not clear whether God or Christ is meant, cp. Ac 9:31; 1 Cor 4:19; 7:17; 2 Cor 8:21; Col 3:22b; 1 Th 4:6; 2 Th 3:16 al.
    ε. of other transcendent beings
    א. an angel Ac 10:4 (JosAs 14:6 al.; GrBar 4:1 al.; ApcZeph). p. 129 Denis.
    ב. in contrast to the one κύριος of the Christians there are θεοὶ πολλοὶ καὶ κύριοι πολλοί many gods and many lords 1 Cor 8:5 (cp. Dt 10:17); we cannot say just what difference, if any, Paul makes betw. these θεοί and κύριοι; unless we have here an hendiadys, the apostle may imply that the κ. are of lower rank than the θ. (sim. Did., Gen. 248, 5. On the many θεοί and lesser divinities cp. Maximus Tyr. 11, 5ab θεὸς εἷς πάντων βασιλεὺς κ. πατήρ, κ. θεοὶ πολλοί, θεοῦ παῖδες [= δαίμονες 11, 12a], συνάρχοντες θεοῦ. Ταῦτα κ. ὁ Ἕλλην λέγει, κ. ὁ βάρβαρος; 8, 8ef. Also Diog. L. 8, 23 the saying of Pythagoras, that humankind must τοὺς θεοὺς δαιμόνων προτιμᾶν=honor the deities more than the divinities or demi-gods δαίμονες; Heraclitus, Fgm. 5 divides the celestial realm into θεοὶ καὶ ἥρωες. S. also κυριότης 3 and, in a way, PGM 36, 246 κύριοι ἄγγελοι; s. also θεός 1).—On the whole word s. WGraf Baudissin, Kyrios als Gottesname im Judentum u. s. Stelle in d. Religionsgesch., 4 vols. 1926–29; SvenHerner, Die Anwendung d. Wortes κ. im NT 1903; Dssm., LO 298ff [LAE 353ff]; BBacon, Jesus as Lord: HTR 4, 1911, 204–28; WHeitmüller, ZNW 13, 1912, 333ff; HBöhlig, D. Geisteskultur v. Tarsos 1913, 53ff, Zum Begriff κύριος bei Pls: ZNW 14, 1913, 23ff, ʼΕν κυρίῳ: Heinrici Festschr. 1914, 170ff; WBousset, Kyrios Christos2 1921 [Engl. tr. JSteely ’70]; PWern-le, ZTK 25, 1915, 1–92; PAlthaus, NKZ 26, 1915, 439ff; 513ff; Heitmüller, ZTK 25, 1915, 156ff; Bousset, Jesus der Herr 1916; GVos, The Continuity of the Kyrios Title in the NT: PTR 13, 1915, 161–89, The Kyrios Christos Controversy: ibid. 15, 1917, 21–89; EWeber, Zum Gebrauch der κύριος-Bez.: NKZ 31, 1920, 254ff; ERohde, Gottesglaube u. Kyriosglaube bei Paulus: ZNW 22, 1923, 43ff; RSeeberg, D. Ursprung des Christenglaubens 1914; JWeiss, D. Urchristentum 1917, 351ff; Ltzm., Hdb. exc. on Ro 10:9; Burton, ICC Gal 1921, 399–404; WFoerster, Herr ist Jesus 1924; AFrövig, D. Kyriosglaube des NTs 1928; ELohmeyer, Kyr. Jesus 1928; EvDobschütz, Κύριος Ἰησοῦς: ZNW 30, ’31, 97–123 (lit.); OMichel, D. Christus des Pls: ZNW 32, ’33, 6–31; also 28, 1929, 324–33; Dodd 9–11; LCerfaux, ‘Kyrios’ dans les citations paul. de l’AT: ETL 20, ’43, 5–17; FGrant, An Introd. to NT Thought ’50, 130–37; PÉLangevin, Jésus Seigneur ’67; IPotterie, BRigaux Festschr. ’70, 117–46 (Luke); JKingsbury, JBL 94, ’75, 246–55 (Mt); FDanker, Luke ’87, 60–81; DZeller, 925–28 (lit.).—B. 1330. Schürer II 326. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Spicq. Sv.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > κύριος

  • 13 σαρκικός

    σαρκικός, ή, όν (σάρξ; Aristot., HA 10, 2, 635a, 11 v.l.; a verse, perh. by Sotades Lyr. [III B.C.] 19, p. 244 Coll.; Maximus Tyr. 11, 10e v.l. [for σάρκινος]; ParJer 6:6 τῷ σαρκικῷ οἴκῳ [cp. Mel., P. 55, 402 Ch. τοῦ σαρκίνου οἴκου, but σαρκικοῦ B]; Just., Tat.—σαρκικός means ‘belonging to the σάρξ’ [opp. πνευματικός], ‘fleshly’; on the other hand, σάρκινος is ‘consisting/composed of flesh’, ‘fleshy’. Our lit., or at least its copyists, for the most part did not observe this distinction in all occurrences of the word. The forms are generally interchanged in the tradition; for exceptions s. MParsons, NTS 34, ’88, 151–55; s. also B-D-F §113, 2; Rob. 158f.)
    pert. to being material or belonging to the physical realm, material, physical, human, fleshly
    of everyday earthly things, τὰ σαρκικά in ref. to a collection for the poor in Jerusalem Ro 15:27; of material means of support 1 Cor 9:11.
    of human physical being as such: Polycarp is σαρκικὸς καὶ πνευματικός, i.e. the physical aspect makes it possible to deal with visible phenomena and the spiritual contributes a special dimension to the encounter IPol 2:2. Jesus is called σαρκικός τε καὶ πνευματικός, γεννητὸς καὶ ἀγέννητος IEph 7:2. The Risen Lord συνέφαγεν αὐτοῖς (i.e. the disciples) ὡς σαρκικός he ate with them as an ordinary human being would ISm 3:3. ἵνα ἐκ νεκρῶν ἡμᾶς ἐγείρῃ σαρκικούς that (Jesus Christ) might raise us mere humans from the dead AcPlCor 2:6.—Sim. ἀγάπη σαρκική τε καὶ πνευματική ISm 13:2. ἕνωσις IMg 13:2. ἐπιμέλεια IPol 1:2. In all these pass. Ignatius expresses his understanding of a human being as consisting of two major parts: material body and inward endowment of spirit. Thus Ignatius’s Christians function in two realms. This perspective is different (exc. for the reminiscence IEph 8:2 [s. 2]) from the qualitative judgments expressed in pass. in 2 in which ς. and πνευματικός are in opposition.
    pert. to being human at a disappointing level of behavior or characteristics, (merely) human. Old Testament perspectives respecting the fragility of bodily existence are assumed in our lit., but with a heightening of contrast between the physical and spiritual state or condition and with focus on the physical as being quite mediocre, transitory, or sinful earthly, mediocre, merely human, worldly (Anth. Pal. 1, 107; Iren. 1, 6, 3 [Harv. I 56, 2]; Orig., C. Cels. 3, 42, 11; Hippol., Ref. 5, 8, 18; Did., Gen. 62, 3): (ἄνθρωποι) ς. 1 Cor 3:4 v.l.; ὅπλα 2 Cor 10:4. σοφία 1:12. αἱ σαρκικαὶ ἐπιθυμίαι 1 Pt 2:11; αἱ σαρκικαὶ καὶ σωματικαὶ ἐπιθυμίαι D 1:4. Of immature Christians σαρκικοί ἐστε 1 Cor 3:3ab. In what appears to be a reminiscence of 2 Cor 2:14–3:3 (s. also Ro 8:5), of dissidents or schismatics in contrast to orthodox believers οἱ σαρκικοὶ τὰ πνευματικὰ πράσσειν οὐ δύνανται, οὐδὲ οἱ πνευματικοὶ τὰ σαρκικά IEph 8:2.—In addition, σαρκικός is found as v.l. (σάρκινος is in the text, as Maximus Tyr. 11, 10f; Philo, Sacr. Abel. 63) in Ro 7:14; 1 Cor 3:1; Hb 7:16; in all three places the v.l. is the rdg. of the t.r.—S. lit. s.v. σάρξ. DELG s.v. σάρξ. M-M. TW. Spicq.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > σαρκικός

  • 14 ψυχή

    ψυχή, ῆς, ἡ (Hom.+; ‘life, soul’) It is oft. impossible to draw hard and fast lines in the use of this multivalent word. Gen. it is used in ref. to dematerialized existence or being, but, apart fr. other data, the fact that ψ. is also a dog’s name suggests that the primary component is not metaphysical, s. SLonsdale, Greece and Rome 26, ’79, 146–59. Without ψ. a being, whether human or animal, consists merely of flesh and bones and without functioning capability. Speculations and views respecting the fortunes of ψ. and its relation to the body find varied expression in our lit.
    (breath of) life, life-principle, soul, of animals (Galen, Protr. 13 p. 42, 27 John; Gen 9:4) Rv 8:9. As a rule of human beings (Gen 35:18; 3 Km 17:21; ApcEsdr 5:13 λαμβάνει τὴν ψυχὴν the fetus in its sixth month) Ac 20:10. When it leaves the body death occurs Lk 12:20 (cp. Jos., C. Ap. 1, 164; on the theme cp. Pind., I. 1, 67f). The soul is delivered up to death (the pass. in ref. to divine initiative), i.e. into a condition in which it no longer makes contact with the physical structure it inhabited 1 Cl 16:13 (Is 53:12), whereupon it leaves the realm of earth and lives on in Hades (Lucian, Dial. Mort. 17, 2; Jos., Ant. 6, 332) Ac 2:27 (Ps 15:10), 31 v.l. or some other place outside the earth Rv 6:9; 20:4; ApcPt 10:25 (GrBar 10:5 τὸ πεδίον … οὗπερ ἔρχονται αἱ ψυχαὶ τῶν δικαίων; ApcEsdr 7:3 ἀπέρχεται εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν; Himerius, Or. 8 [23]: his consecrated son [παῖς ἱερός 7] Rufinus, when he dies, leaves his σῶμα to the death-daemon, while his ψυχή goes into οὐρανός, to live w. the gods 23).—B 5:13 (s. Ps 21:21).
    the condition of being alive, earthly life, life itself (Diod S 1, 25, 6 δοῦναι τὴν ψυχήν=give life back [to the dead Horus]; 3, 26, 2; 14, 65, 2; 16, 78, 5; Jos., Ant. 18, 358 σωτηρία τῆς ψυχῆς; 14, 67; s. Reader, Polemo 354 [reff.]) ζητεῖν τὴν ψυχήν τινος Mt 2:20 (cp. Ex 4:19); Ro 11:3 (3 Km 19:10, 14). δοῦναι τὴν ψυχὴν ἑαυτοῦ (cp. Eur., Phoen. 998) Mt 20:28; Mk 10:45; John says for this τιθέναι τὴν ψυχὴν J 10:11, 15, 17, (18); 13:37f; 15:13; 1J 3:16ab; παραδιδόναι Ac 15:26; Hs 9, 28, 2. παραβολεύεσθαι τῇ ψυχῇ Phil 2:30 (s. παραβολεύομαι). To love one’s own life (JosAs 13:1 ἐγὼ ἀγαπῶ αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τὴν ψυχήν μου) Rv 12:11; cp. B 1:4; 4:6; 19:5; D 2:7. Life as prolonged by nourishment Mt 6:25ab; Lk 12:22f. Cp. 14:26; Ac 20:24; 27:10, 22; 28:19 v.l.; Ro 16:4. S. also 2e below.
    by metonymy, that which possesses life/soul (cp. 3 below) ψυχὴ ζῶσα (s. Gen 1:24) a living creature Rv 16:3 v.l. for ζωῆς. Cp. ἐγένετο Ἀδὰμ εἰς ψυχὴν ζῶσαν 1 Cor 15:45 (Gen 2:7. S. πνεῦμα 5f). ψυχὴ ζωῆς Rv 16:3.
    seat and center of the inner human life in its many and varied aspects, soul
    of the desire for luxurious living (cp. the OT expressions Ps 106:9 [=ParJer 9:20, but in sense of d below]; Pr 25:25; Is 29:8; 32:6; Bar 2:18b; PsSol 4:17. But also X., Cyr. 8, 7, 4; ins in CB I/2, 477 no. 343, 5 the soul as the seat of enjoyment of the good things in life) of the rich man ἐρῶ τῇ ψυχῇ μου• ψυχή, ἀναπαύου, φάγε, πίε, εὐφραίνου Lk 12:19 (cp. PsSol 5:12; Aelian, VH 1, 32 εὐφραίνειν τὴν ψυχήν; X., Cyr. 6, 2, 28 ἡ ψυχὴ ἀναπαύσεται.—The address to the ψυχή as PsSol 3, 1; Cyranides p. 41, 27). Cp. Rv 18:14.
    of evil desires (PsSol 4:13; Tat. 23, 2) 2 Cl 16:2; 17:7.
    of feelings and emotions (Anacr., Fgm. 4 Diehl2 [15 Page]; Diod S 8, 32, 3; JosAs 6:1; SibOr 3, 558; Just., D. 2, 4; Mel., P. 18, 124 al.) περίλυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου (cp. Ps 41:6, 12; 42:5) Mt 26:38; Mk 14:34. ἡ ψυχή μου τετάρακται J 12:27; cp. Ac 2:43 (s. 3 below).—Lk 1:46; 2:35; J 10:24; Ac 14:2, 22; 15:24; Ro 2:9; 1 Th 2:8 (τὰς ἑαυτῶν ψυχάς our hearts full of love); Hb 12:3; 2 Pt 2:8; 1 Cl 16:12 (Is 53:11); 23:3 (scriptural quot. of unknown origin); B 3:1, 5b (s. on these two passages Is 58:3, 5, 10b); 19:3; Hm 4, 2, 2; 8:10; Hs 1:8; 7:4; D 3:9ab. ἐμεγαλύνθη ἡ ψυχή μου GJs 5:2; 19:2 (s. μεγαλύνω 1). αὔξειν τὴν ψυχὴν τοῦ Παύλου AcPl Ha 6, 10. It is also said of God in the anthropomorphic manner of expr. used by the OT ὁ ἀγαπητός μου εἰς ὸ̔ν εὐδόκησεν ἡ ψυχή μου Mt 12:18 (cp. Is 42:1); cp. Hb 10:38 (Hab 2:4).—One is to love God ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ ψυχῇ Mt 22:37; Lk 10:27. Also ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ψυχῆς (Dt 6:5; 10:12; 11:13) Mk 12:30, 33 v.l. (for ἰσχύος); Lk 10:27 v.l. (Epict. 2, 23, 42; 3, 22, 18; 4, 1, 131; M. Ant. 12, 29; Sextus 379.—X., Mem. 3, 11, 10 ὅλῃ τῇ ψυχῇ). ἐκ ψυχῆς from the heart, gladly (Jos., Ant. 17, 177.—The usual form is ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς: X., An. 7, 7, 43, Apol. 18 al.; Theocr. 8, 35) Eph 6:6; Col 3:23; ἐκ ψυχῆς σου B 3:5a (Is 58:10a); 19:6. μιᾷ ψυχῇ with one mind (Dio Chrys. 19 [36], 30) Phil 1:27; cp. Ac 4:32 (on the combination w. καρδία s. that word 1bη and EpArist 17); 2 Cl 12:3 (s. 1 Ch 12:39b; Diog. L. 5, 20 ἐρωτηθεὶς τί ἐστι φίλος, ἔφη• μία ψυχὴ δύο σώμασιν ἐνοικοῦσα).
    as the seat and center of life that transcends the earthly (Pla., Phd. 28, 80ab; Paus. 4, 32, 4 ἀθάνατός ἐστιν ἀνθρώπου ψ.; Just., A I, 44, 9 περὶ ἀθανασίας ψυχῆς; Ath. 27, 2 ἀθάνατος οὖσα. Opp. Tat. 13, 1, who argues the state of the ψ. before the final judgment and states that it is not immortal per se but experiences the fate of the body οὐκ ἔστιν ἀθάνατος). As such it can receive divine salvation σῴζου σὺ καὶ ἡ ψυχή σου be saved, you and your soul Agr 5 (Unknown Sayings 61–64). σῴζειν τὰς ψυχάς Js 1:21. ψυχὴν ἐκ θανάτου 5:20; cp. B 19:10; Hs 6, 1, 1 (on death of the ψ. s. Achilles Tat. 7, 5, 3 τέθνηκας θάνατον διπλοῦν, ψυχῆς κ. σώματος). σωτηρία ψυχῶν 1 Pt 1:9. περιποίησις ψυχῆς Hb 10:39. It can also be lost 2 Cl 15:1; B 20:1; Hs 9, 26, 3. Humans cannot injure it, but God can hand it over to destruction Mt 10:28ab; AcPl Ha 1, 4. ζημιωθῆναι τὴν ψυχήν (ζημιόω 1) Mt 16:26a; Mk 8:36 (FGrant, Introd. to NT Thought, ’50, 162); 2 Cl 6:2. There is nothing more precious than ψυχή in this sense Mt 16:26b; Mk 8:37. It stands in contrast to σῶμα, in so far as that is σάρξ (cp. Ar. 15, 7 οὐ κατὰ σάρκα … ἀλλὰ κατὰ ψυχήν; Tat. 15, 1 οὔτε … χωρὶς σώματος; Ath. 1, 4 τὰ σώματα καὶ τὰς ψυχάς; SIG 383, 42 [I B.C.]) Dg 6:1–9. The believer’s soul knows God 2 Cl 17:1. One Christian expresses the hope that all is well w. another’s soul 3J 2 (s. εὐοδόω). For the soul of the Christian is subject to temptations 1 Pt 2:11 and 2 Pt 2:14; longs for rest Mt 11:29 (ParJer 5:32 ὁ θεὸς … ἡ ἀνάπαυσις τῶν ψυχῶν); and must be purified 1 Pt 1:22 (cp. Jer 6:16). The soul must be entrusted to God 1 Pt 4:19; cp. 1 Cl 27:1. Christ is its ποιμὴν καὶ ἐπίσκοπος (s. ἐπίσκοπος 1) 1 Pt 2:25; its ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ προστάτης 1 Cl 61:3; its σωτήρ MPol 19:2. Apostles and congregational leaders are concerned about the souls of the believers 2 Cor 12:15; Hb 13:17. The Christian hope is called the anchor of the soul 6:19. Paul calls God as a witness against his soul; if he is lying, he will forfeit his salvation 2 Cor 1:23.—Also life of this same eternal kind κτήσεσθε τὰς ψυχὰς ὑμῶν you will gain (real) life for yourselves Lk 21:19.
    Since the soul is the center of both the earthly (1a) and the transcendent (2d) life, pers. can find themselves facing the question concerning the wish to ensure it for themselves: ὸ̔ς ἐὰν θέλῃ τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ σῶσαι, ἀπολέσει αὐτὴν• ὸ̔ς δʼ ἂν ἀπολέσει τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ, σώσει αὐτήν Mk 8:35. Cp. Mt 10:39; 16:25; Lk 9:24; 17:33; J 12:25. The contrast betw. τὴν ψυχὴν εὑρεῖν and ἀπολέσαι is found in Mt 10:39ab (s. HGrimme, BZ 23, ’35, 263f); 16:25b; σῶσαι and ἀπολέσαι vs. 25a; Mk 8:35ab; Lk 9:24ab; περιποιήσασθαι, ζῳογονῆσαι and ἀπολέσαι 17:33; φιλεῖν and ἀπολλύναι J 12:25a; μισεῖν and φυλάσσειν vs. 25b.
    On the combination of ψυχή and πνεῦμα in 1 Th 5:23; Hb 4:12 (Just., D. 6, 2; Tat. 15, 1 χρὴ … ζευγνύναι … τὴν ψυχὴν τῷ πνεύματι τῷ ἁγίῳ) s. πνεῦμα 3a, end.—A-JFestugière, L’idéal religieux des Grecs et l’Évangile ’32, 212–17.—A unique combination is … σωμάτων, καὶ ψυχὰς ἀνθρώπων, slaves and human lives Rv 18:13 (cp. Ezk 27:13; on the syntax s. Mussies 98).
    In var. Semitic languages the reflexive relationship is paraphrased with נֶפֶשׁ (Gr.-Rom. parallels in W-S. §22, 18b note 33); the corresp. use of ψυχή may be detected in certain passages in our lit., esp. in quots. fr. the OT and in places where OT modes of expr. have had considerable influence (B-D-F §283, 4; W-S. §22, 18b; Mlt. 87; 105 n. 2; Rob. 689; KHuber, Untersuchungen über d. Sprachcharakter des griech. Lev., diss. Zürich 1916, 67), e.g. Mt 11:29; 26:38; Mk 10:45; 14:34; Lk 12:19; 14:26; J 10:24; 12:27; 2 Cor 1:23; 3J 2; Rv 18:14; 1 Cl 16:11 (Is 53:10); B 3:1, 3 (Is 58:3, 5); 4:2; 17:1. Cp. also 2 Cor 12:15; Hb 13:17; GJs 2:2; 13:2; 15:3 (on these last s. ταπεινόω 2b).
    an entity w. personhood, person ext. of 2 by metonymy (cp. 1c): πᾶσα ψυχή everyone (Epict. 1, 28, 4; Lev 7:27; 23:29 al.) Ac 2:43; 3:23 (Lev 23:29); Ro 2:9; 13:1; Jd 15; 1 Cl 64; Hs 9, 18, 5.—Pl. persons, cp. our expression ‘number of souls’ (Pla. et al.; PTebt 56, 11 [II B.C.] σῶσαι ψυχὰς πολλάς; LXX) ψυχαὶ ὡσεὶ τρισχίλιαι Ac 2:41; cp. 7:14 (Ex 1:5); 27:37; 1 Pt 3:20.—This may also be the place for ἔξεστιν ψυχὴν σῶσαι ἢ ἀποκτεῖναι; is it permissible to rescue a person ( a human life is also poss.) or must we let the person die? Mk 3:4; Lk 6:9. Cp. 9:55 [56] v.l.—EHatch, Essays in Bibl. Gk. 1889, 112–24; ERohde, Psyche9–10 1925; JBöhme, D. Seele u. das Ich im homer. Epos 1929; EBurton, Spirit, Soul and Flesh 1918; FRüsche, Blut, Leben u. Seele 1930; MLichtenstein, D. Wort nefeš in d. Bibel 1920; WStaples, The ‘Soul’ in the OT: JSL 44, 1928, 145–76; FBarth, La notion Paulinienne de ψυχή: RTP 44, 1911, 316–36; ChGuignebert, RHPR 9, 1929, 428–50; NSnaith, Life after Death: Int 1, ’47, 309–25; essays by OCullmann, HWolfson, WJaeger, HCadbury in Immortality and Resurrection, ed. KStendahl, ’65, 9–53; GDautzenberg, Sein Leben Bewahren ’66 (gospels); R Jewett, Paul’s Anthropological Terms, ’71, 334–57; also lit. cited GMachemer, HSCP 95, ’93, 121, 13.—TJahn, Zum Wortfeld ‘Seele-Geist’ in der Sprache Homers (Zetemata 83) ’81.—B. 1087. New Docs 4, 38f (trichotomy). DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ψυχή

  • 15 ἐξουσία

    ἐξουσία, ας, ἡ (Soph., Thu.+; ins, pap, LXX, En, pseudepigr., Philo, Joseph., Just.; Tat. 30, 1; Mel., P. 104, 810 [Bodm.]) from ἔξεστιν.
    a state of control over someth., freedom of choice, right (e.g., the ‘right’ to act, decide, or dispose of one’s property as one wishes: BGU 1158, 13 [9 B.C.] = Mitt-Wilck. II/2, 234, 13 legal t.t., esp. in wills: POxy 272, 13; BGU 183, 25 ἔχειν αὐτὴν τὴν ἐ. τῶν ἰδίων πάντων; PTebt 319, 21.—Sir 30:11) ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν have the right 2 Th 3:9 (Just., D 16, 4). W. inf. foll. (Teles p. 23, 14; 24, 11; Tob 2:13 S; 7:10 S) J 10:18; 1 Cor 9:4ff; Hb 13:10; Rv 13:5; B 4:2. W. obj. gen. foll. (τίς οὖν ἔτι ἔχει μου ἐξουσίαν; Epict. 3, 24, 70; διδόναι ἐξουσίαν τῶν πετεινῶν Did., Gen. 61, 24) εἰ ἄλλοι τῆς ὑμῶν ἐ. μετέχουσι 1 Cor 9:12. Also ἐ. ἐπὶ τὸ ξύλον τῆς ζωῆς the right to the tree of life Rv 22:14. W. verbs of two constr. ἔχει ἐ. ὁ κεραμεὺς τοῦ πηλοῦ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ φυράματος the potter has a right over the clay, to make fr. the same lump Ro 9:21. ἐ. ἔχειν περί τινος (4 Macc 4:5) be at liberty w. regard to a thing (opp. ἀνάγκην ἔχειν) 1 Cor 7:37; cp. 8:9; ἐ. ἐν τ. εὐαγγελίῳ a right in the gospel 9:18. ἐν τῇ σῇ ἐ. ὑπῆρχεν was at your disposal Ac 5:4 (Esth 4:17b; Appian, Liby. 52 §226 ἐν ἐ. εἶναι τί τινι=someth. is at someone’s disposal, is within one’s power).
    potential or resource to command, control, or govern, capability, might, power (on capacity for someth. cp. Did., Gen. 162, 5: ἡ προσαιρέσεως ἐξουσία; cp. 1 Esdr 4:28, 40; 2 Macc 7:16 the king can do what he pleases because he has the capability for doing so) ἡ ἐ. τ. ἵππων ἐν τ. στόματι αὐτῶν ἐστιν Rv 9:19; cp. vs. 3; 13:2, 4; 18:1; Mt 9:8; Ac 8:19. W. inf. foll. to indicate the thing that one is able to do (En 25:4 ἅψασθαι; Diod S 4, 52, 4 ἀμύνασθαι εἶχεν ἐξουσίαν; Mel., P. 104 πάντα κρίνει); ἐκβάλλειν τ. δαιμόνια [b]Mk 3:15. ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τ. γέενναν Lk 12:5; cp. J 1:12; 7:1 v.l.; Rv 9:10; 11:6. W. gen. of the inf. foll. τοῦ πατεῖν ἐπάνω ὄφεων Lk 10:19; ποιεῖν ἐ. exercise power Rv 13:12. ἐ. ἔχειν τινός have power over someone (Epict. 4, 12, 8) GPt 3:7; ἑαυτοῦ IPol 7:3; also ἐ. ἔχειν ἐπί τινος Rv 20:6; cp. AcPl Ha 1, 3. Esp. of God’s power (Theodor. Prodr. 5, 313 ἡ θεῶν ἐ.; Da 4:17; Jos., Ant. 5, 109; 18, 214) Lk 12:5 (cp. 2 Cl 5:4); Ac 1:7; Jd 25; Hs 9, 23, 4. πάντων τ. ἐξουσίαν power over all Hm 4, 1, 11; Hs 9, 28, 8. πᾶσα ἡ ἐ. 5, 7, 3 (En 9:5). τὴν κατὰ πάντων ἐ. MPol. 2:1. τέλους ἐ. power over the end PtK 2 p. 13, 22. ἐ. ἐπὶ τ. πληγάς control over the plagues Rv 16:9. Also of Satan’s power Ac 26:18; ending of Mk in the Freer ms.; B 2:1.—The power that comes fr. God can involve transcendent knowledge, and both may be expressed by ἐ. (Herm. Wr. 1, 13; 14; 32). So his hearers conclude fr. Jesus’ teaching that he must have ἐ. (i.e. it is not necessary for him to first ask what the traditional practice or interpretation requires) Mk 1:22 (‘license’ of a Jewish teacher L-S-J-M Suppl., ’68; against this AArgyle, ET 80, ’68/69, 343); cp. Mt 7:29 (Rtzst., Poim. 48, 3, Mysterienrel.3 302; 363; JStarr, HTR 23, 1930, 302–5; HWindisch, Pls. u. Christus ’34, 151ff; DDaube, JTS 39, ’38, 45–59; HFlowers, ET 66, ’55, 254 [‘like a king’]; DHudson, ET 67, ’55/56, 17; JCoutts, JTS 8, ’57, 111–18 [Jesus and the 12]). The prep. expr. κατʼ ἐξουσίαν in accordance w. knowledge and power Mk 1:27 and ἐν ἐ. Lk 4:32 belong to this classification; cp. 4:36. The close relation of ἐ. w. ‘gnosis’ and teaching also B 18:1.—But it is not always possible to draw a hard and fast line betw. this sense and
    the right to control or command, authority, absolute power, warrant (Sextus 36: the πιστός has ἐ. fr. God) ἐ. καὶ ἐπιτροπή (cp. Ps.-Pla., Defin. p. 415c ἐξουσία, ἐπιτροπὴ νόμου) authority and commission Ac 26:12. ἐν ποίᾳ ἐξουσίᾳ ταῦτα ποιεῖς; by whose authority are you doing this? Mt 21:23, 24, 27; Mk 11:28, 29, 33; Lk 20:2, 8. ἐ. διδόναι τινί put someone in charge (Diod S 13, 36, 2; 14, 81, 6; cp. Vi. Aesopi G 11 p. 39, 6 P.; En 9:7; TestJob 3:6; Jos., Ant. 2, 90; 20, 193) Mk 13:34; PtK 2 p. 14, 13. οἷς ἔδωκεν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τὴν ἐ. to whom he gave rights over the Gospel (for its proclamation) B 8:3. ὅτι τὸ ἄρχειν ἐξουσίας ἐστίν that ruling depends on authority 6:18. Of apostolic authority 2 Cor 10:8; 13:10; ISm 4:1. Of Jesus’ total authority Mt 28:18 (cp. Herm. Wr. 1, 32; Da 7:14; DStanley, CBQ 29, ’67, 555–73); Hs 5, 6, 1. W. gen. of the one who has authority ἐ. τοῦ Χριστοῦ Rv 12:10 (Just., A I, 40, 7). W. gen. of that over which the authority is exercised (Diod S 2, 27, 3; IDefixWünsch 4, 21; Ps 135:8, 9; Wsd 10:14; Sir 17:2; Jos., Vi. 190) ἐ. πνευμάτων ἀκαθάρτων over the unclean spirits Mt 10:1; Mk 6:7; cp. J 17:2; Hm 4, 3, 5; PtK 2 p. 14, 13; 1 Cl 61:2; ISm 4:1; τούτου τοῦ λαοῦ Hs 8, 3, 3. Also ἐπί w. acc. (cp. Sir 33:20) Lk 9:1; cp. Rv 6:8; 13:7. Likew. ἐπί w. gen. (cp. Da 3:97) Rv 2:26; 11:6b; 14:18. παρά τινος (also ἀπό τινος Orig., C. Cels. 2, 13, 56) indicates the source of the authority (s. παρά A3b) Ac 9:14; 26:10; Hs 5, 6, 4 (restored from the Lat.; ἐ. λαμβάνειν as Diod S 11, 42, 6; TestJob 8:2f; 16:4; Vi. Aesopi G 11 p. 39, 4 P.) and κατά τινος the one against whom it is directed (TestJob 16:2 κατʼ ἐμοῦ; 8:2 κατὰ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων μου ‘over my possessions’; Sb 8316, 6f κύριε Σάραπι δὸς αὐτῷ κατεξουσίαν κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ; Orig., C. Cels. 7, 43, 25) J 19:11 (HvCampenhausen, TLZ 73, ’48, 387–92); B 4:13. W. pres. inf. foll. (cp. X., Mem. 2, 6, 24 and 35; Diod S 12, 75, 4; 1 Macc 10:35; 11:58; Jos., Ant. 4, 247) Mt 9:6; Mk 2:10; Lk 5:24; J 5:27. W. aor. inf. foll. (Jdth 8:15; 1 Esdr 8:22; 1 Macc 1:13) 19:10. Foll. by gen. of the pres. inf. (4 Macc 5:15) Hm 12, 4, 2.—RDillon, ‘As One Having Authority’ (Mark 1:22): CBQ 57, ’95, 92–113.
    power exercised by rulers or others in high position by virtue of their office, ruling power, official power (Ps.-Pla., Alc. 1, 135b al.; LXX; Jos., Bell. 2, 140, Vi. 80) ἐ. ὡς βασιλεύς Rv 17:12f (Diod S 2, 45, 1 βασιλικὴν ἐ. ἔχειν; 14, 32, 5 ἐ. λαμβάνειν); ἐ. τοῦ ἡγεμόνος Lk 20:20; cp. J 19:10f, s. 3 above. ἐ. ἐπάνω δέκα πόλεων Lk 19:17. ἄνθρωπος ὑπὸ ἐξουσίαν τασσόμενος a man under authority 7:8 (MFrost, ET 45, ’34, 477f); cp. Mt 8:9; Hs 1:3.—The power of a particular office (Diod S 1, 70, 1; 14, 113, 6 ἡ ὑπατικὴ ἐξουσία; Plut., Mar. 406 [2, 1], Caes. 734 [58, 1]) ἐπαρχικὴ ἐ. the power of prefect Phlm subscr.
    human authorities, officials, government (Dionys. Hal. 8, 44; 11, 32; POxy 261, 15) Lk 12:11 (here and elsewh. in NT w. ἀρχή, as also in Pla.); Ro 13:1, 2, 3 (with 13:1b cp. the express. ‘ancient saying’ [s. Hes., Theogony 96 ἐκ δὲ Διὸς βασιλῆες. On this HFränkel, Dichtung u. Philos. des frühen Griechentums ’62, 111 n. 6] in Artem. 2, 36 p. 135, 24; 2, 69 p. 161, 17 τὸ κρατοῦν δύναμιν ἔχει θεοῦ=the ruling power has its authority from God; Wsd 6:3; Jos., Bell. 2, 140 οὐ δίχα θεοῦ περιγενέσθαι τινὶ τὸ ἄρχειν … ἐξουσίαν); Tit 3:1. For the view that the ἐ. of Ro 13 are spirit powers, as b below, s. OCullmann, Christ and Time (tr. Filson) ’50, 191–210.—On the subj. in gener. s. LGaugusch, D. Staatslehre d. Ap. Pls nach Ro 13: ThGl 5, ’34, 529–50; JUitman, Onder Eig. Vaandel 15, ’40, 102–21; HvCampenhausen, ABertholet Festschr. ’50, 97–113; OCullmann, Zur neuesten Diskussion über die ἐξουσίαι in Rö 13:1: TZ 10, ’54, 321–36, D. Staat im NT ’612 (Eng. tr.: The State in the NT ’56, 93–114); against him AStrobel, ZNW 47, ’56, 67–93.—GCaird, Princip. and Powers ’56; RMorgenthaler TZ 12, ’56, 289–304; CMorrison, The Powers That Be ’60; EBarnikol, Rö 13. Der nichtpaulinische Ursprung der absoluten Obrigkeitsbejahung v. Rö 13:1–7 ’61, 65–133; HSchlier, Principalities and Powers in the NT ’61 (Eng. tr.); MBorg, NTS 19, ’72/73, 205–18. οἱ ἐπʼ ἐξουσίαν ἀχθέντες those who are brought before the authorities Hs 9, 28, 4.
    of transcendent rulers and functionaries: powers of the spirit world (TestLevi 3:8; TestSol 20:15 B), sg. (w. ἀρχή and δύναμις) 1 Cor 15:24; Eph 1:21; Col 2:10. Pl. (w. ἀρχαί as Just., D. 41, 1; cp. Orig., C. Cels. 4, 29, 22) Eph 3:10; 6:12; Col 1:16; 2:15; (w. ἄγγελοι, δυνάμεις) 1 Pt 3:22. Cp. the v.l. for ἄρχειν Papias (4).
    the sphere in which power is exercised, domain (4 Km 20:13; Ps 113:2) Lk 4:6. ἐκ τ. ἐξουσίας Ἡρῴδου ἐστίν he comes fr. Herod’s jurisdiction 23:7. ἐ. τοῦ σκότους domain of darkness 22:53; Col 1:13 (opp. the βασιλεία of Christ). Hence ἐ. τοῦ ἀέρος simply domain of the air Eph 2:2; s. ἀήρ 2b.
    Various opinions are held about the mng. of 1 Cor 11:10 ὀφείλει ἡ γυνὴ ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς διὰ τοὺς ἀγγέλους. Many now understand it as a means of exercising power (cp. δύναμις 1b.—It is abstract for concrete, as βασιλεία [1] in Diod S 1, 47, 5: a stone figure ἔχουσα τρεῖς βασιλείας ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς=that wears three symbols of royal power [diadems] on its head), that is to say, the veil (κάλυμμα is v.l. for ἐ. here; s. critical apparatus in N.) by which women at prayer (when they draw near to the heavenly realm) protect themselves fr. the amorous glances of certain angels. But the veil may also have been simply a symbol of womanly dignity, esp. befitting a Christian woman, and esp. in the presence of holy angels (s. Cadbury below).—WWeber, ZWT 46, 1903, 487–99; Dibelius, Geisterwelt 12–23 al.; EFehrle, Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum1910, 39; RPerdelwitz, StKr 86, 1913, 611–13; LBrun, ZNW 14, 1913, 298–308; GKittel, Rabbinica 1920, 17ff; Billerb. III 423–35; KBornhäuser, NKZ 41, 1930, 475–88; WFoerster, ZNW 30, ’31, 185f; MGinsburger, RHPR 12, ’32, 245–47; OMotta, ET 44, ’33, 139–41; CSpicq, RB 48, ’39, 557–62; EBlakeney, ET 55, ’44, 138; SLösch, TQ 127, ’47, 216–61; JFitzmyer, NTS 3, ’57, 48–58; HCadbury, HTR 51, ’58, 1f (Qumran parallels); MHooker, NTS 10, ’64, 410–16; AIsaksson, Marriage and Ministry in the NT ’65, 176–81; GSchwartz, ZNW 70, ’79, 249 (Aramaic background).—LCerfaux et JTondriau, Un Concurrent du Christianisme, ’57. S. on ἄγγελος 2c.—V.l. for ἄρχειν Papias (4).—DELG s.v. εἰμί. New Docs 2, 83f. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ἐξουσία

  • 16 scope

    1. n пределы, рамки, границы
    2. n пределы; масштаб, размах, сфера, поле

    work within the scope of an amateur — работа, доступная и неспециалисту в этой области

    3. n возможность, простор, свобода
    4. n арх. конечная цель
    5. n арх. замысел, основная идея
    6. n арх. мор. длина вытравленной цепи
    Синонимический ряд:
    1. breadth (noun) amplitude; breadth; comprehensiveness; fullness; wideness
    2. effect (noun) effect; influence
    3. range (noun) ambit; area; capacity; circle; compass; confine; confines; dimensions; extension; extensity; extent; grasp; horizon; ken; length; limits; magnitude; orbit; panorama; purview; radius; range; reach; realm; space; sphere; stretch; sweep; width
    4. room (noun) elbowroom; latitude; leeway; margin; play; room

    English-Russian base dictionary > scope

  • 17 ehtimol

    (Arabic) possibility; speculation; possible; perhaps, possibly. uning kelishi ehtimol He may come. har ehtimolga qarshi just in case. ehtimoldan uzoq emas not out of the realm of possibility

    Uzbek-English dictionary > ehtimol

См. также в других словарях:

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